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THE LIFE 



AND 



TRAVELS OF MUNGO PARK. 



ALSO, 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF 



AFRICAN DISCOVERY. 



EDINBURGH: 
PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS. 

3842. 



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EDINBURGH : 
PRINTED BY W. AND R. CHAMBERS. 



V 



NOTICE. 

The present number of the " People's Editions" of approved works in all departments of literature, 
comprises an Original Memoir of the early life of Park, a Reprint of the " Travels in the Interior of Africa," 
written by himself, and published as an expensive quarto volume in 1798 ; and an Original Narrative of his 
second journey. To these has been added an Original Account of the Progress of African Discovery from 
the death of the traveller till the year 1838. The work, therefore, is believed by the publishers to be the 
most complete which has yet appeared on the subject of the much-lamented Mungo Park, and the objects 
of lids enterprise. 



CONTENTS. 



Early Life op Park 



Travels est Africa commenced - * - 

Arrival in Africa '--•-- 

Account of the Country and Natives 
Sets out from Pisania - 
Visits the King of Woolli - 

Reaches Bondou ■ -__-_ 

Proceeds for Fatteconda - 
The Foulahs of Bondou - 
Arrives at Kajaaga ------ 

Distressing situation — kindness of a Slave - 
Arrival at Teesee ------ 

Robbed on the Journey by Tiggity Sego 

Arrival at Kooniakary - 

Travels over the Plains of Kaarta 

Visits the King at Kemmoo 

Journey from Kemmoo to Funingkedy 

Enters Ludamar — Proceeds to Jarra 

Account of Jarra and the Moors 

TVserted by his Companions — Arrives at Dalli 

The Camp of Ali at Benowm - - - 

Bad Treatment by Ali - - - - 

Kept at Benowm 

Occurrences at Benowm - - - - 

Distress from Hunger - 

Continues in Captivity at Benowm 
Manners of the Moors — Queen Fatima 
Proceeds with Ali to Jarra - - - 
Escapes from Captivity - 
Arrives at Wawra - - 
"Wassiboo — Galloo — Datliboo - - - 
Sansanding ------. 

Encounters a Lion - 
Information regarding Tombuctoo - 
Commences his Return - 
Travels Westward on the Niger - 



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"Page 

Arrives at Taffara 50 

Plundered by Banditti ----- 52 

Forlorn Condition — Health Declines - - - 53 

Arrives at Kamalia ------ 54 

Climate, Seasons, Productions - - - - 55 

Manners of Mandingoes ----- 57 

State and Sources of Slavery - - - - 61 

Mode of Collecting Gold Dust 63 
Trade in Ivory -------65 

Negro Schools and Education 67 

Departure from Kamalia - - - - - 68 

Travels with a Slave Coffle 69 

Reaches Malacotta ------ 71 

Return to the Gambia ----- 74 

Arrival in England ------ 75 

Residence in Britain from 1797 till 1805 - 76 

Practises as a Surgeon at Peebles - - - 77 

Narrative of Second Travels in Africa - 78 

Troubles on the Journey * - - - - - 79 

Loss of Companions — Reaches the Niger - 80 

Death of Park — his Character - - - - 81 



Progress of African Discovery from the death of 

Mungo Park - 82 

Expeditions of Hornemann, Nicholls, Adams, Ri- 
ley, Tuckey, Peddie, Campbell, Gray, and 

Ritchie 82 

Dcnham and Clapperton's Expedition - - 83 
Clapperton — Laing — Caillie 84 
Expedition of the Brothers Landers - - - 85 
Mouth of the Niger discovered by the Landers 86 
Laird, Oldfield, and Richard Lander's Expedi- 
tion 87 

Death of Lander ------ 87 

Conclusion --------88 



LIFE AND TRAVELS OF MUNGO PARK. 



EARLY LIFE. 

Mungo Park was bom, on the 10th September 1771, 
at Fowlshiels, a farm held by his father on the estate 
of the Duke of Buccleugh in Selkirkshire, and situated 
not far from Selkirk, a small burgh town in the south 
of Scotland. The elder Park, who bore the same name 
which his son afterwards rendered so illustrious, had 
a family of thirteen children, of whom the subject of 
this memoir was the seventh in order of birth. The 
mother of this numerous offspring was named Hislop, 
and was a woman of remarkable sense and prudence. 
Her husband died, after a long and exemplary career, 
in the year 1792. 

The early education of Mungo Park was received in 
his father's house of Fowlshiels, where a private tutor 
was for some years employed. The legends of border 
daring and chivalry, with which his ear was in these 
juvenile days familiar, and of which he retained in 
after times a vivid impression, may have had some in- 
fluence in instilling into his young mind that love of 
adventure which modified so strongly the tenor of his 
life. After acquiring the ordinary rudiments of edu- 
cation at home, mingled with the traditional lore al- 
luded to, Mungo was removed to the grammar school 
of Selkirk, at which he remained for several years, and 
distinguished himself above all his boyish compeers by 
his application and success in his studies. At this, as 
at every other period of his life, he was noted for the 
modest gravity, and even reserve, of his manners and 
disposition. He was fond of reading and solitude, and 
used to indulge these propensities conjointly, by long 
companionless rambles on the banks of his native Yar- 
row. In Mungo Park's reserve of temperament, how- 
ever, no suspiciousness or hauteur was ever observed 
to mingle ; and, with all his quiet thoughtfulness, occa- 
sional gleams of spirit and ambition were seen to burst 
forth, indicative of the latent fire that burned beneath 
his cold and composed exterior. 

Though intended originally for the church, Mungo, on 
reaching the age of fifteen, showed a decided preference 
for the medical profession, and was apprenticed, in conse- 
quence, to Mr Thomas Anderson, a respectable surgeon 
in Selkirk. After spending three years under this gentle- 
man's charge, Park, in the autumn of 1789, went to Edin- 
burgh, and began the usual course of professional study 
at the University of that city.* Upon the whole, little 
is known respecting his college life, excepting that 
he showed, during his three years' attendance on the 
medical classes, a marked predilection for botanical 
pursuits. Fortunately, his brother-in-law, Mr James 
Dickson, was a person peculiarly qualified to assist 
Park in his prosecution of the science in question, 
the knowledge of which proved afterwards so useful. 
Though filling originally the situation of a labouring 

* He not only proved a diligent student in the way of his pro- 
fession, but evinced, at various times, a very considerable degree 
of literary taste. We have been informed that on one occasion 
he was a candidate for a medal, offered for the best poem on tho 
comparative merits of Allan Ramsay and Robert Fergusson. The 
prize was awarded by the votes of a society, and Mungo stood 
second by the decision. But the winner's personal popularity, 
it was very generally admitted, was the cause of his success — 
Park's being much the better poem, in the estimation of those 
most capable of judging. Such a circumstance as this is scarcely 
worthy of notice, except in so far as it testifies to tho general 
ability displayed in youth by the subject of this memoir. 



gardener, Mr Dickson had raised himself into consider- 
able distinction as a botanist, both in Edinburgh and 
London, to which latter city he had gone in the humble 
capacity alluded to. When resident there, his profes- 
sional skill and enthusiasm had procured for him the 
notice of Sir Joseph Banks ; and this circumstance en- 
abled Mr Dickson to do his young relative a still 
greater favour than even the furtherance given to his 
studies in natural history. After Park had completed 
his term of attendance at the University, and had 
procured his surgical diploma, he went to London, in 
the hope of obtaining some employment either at home 
or abroad. A recommendation which he bore with him 
from Mr Dickson to Sir Joseph Banks, procured the 
young surgeon the object of his wish. By Sir Joseph's 
interest, Park received, shortly after his application, 
the appointment of assistant medical officer on board 
of the Worcester East Indiaman — in which vessel he 
sailed for the East Indies in the month of February 
1792. Having made a voyage to Bencoolen, in the 
island of Sumatra, he returned to England in the fol- 
lowing year. Park brought with him many proofs of 
the ardour with which he had pursued, during his 
absence, his favourite scientific studies. To Sir Joseph 
Banks he presented some rare and valuable specimens 
of plants which he had discovered abroad ; and he 
communicated to the Linnsean Society a paper, de- 
scribing several hitherto unobserved fishes of the Indian 
seas. This contribution was afterwards published in 
the society's Transactions. These, and various other 
observations of importance, made by Park on his voy- 
age, confirmed him in the favour and friendship of Sir 
Joseph Banks, and led to habits of frequent intercourse 
between them, as well as to the introduction of the 
young Scotsman into the society of all the eminent 
scientific men of the day in the metropolis. This was, 
doubtless, of great influence in arousing Park's thirst 
for distinction, and directing his mind to loftier objects 
than any within the scope of his professional pursuits. 
Nor did any length of time elapse, after his return to 
England in 1793, ere these ambitious views assumed 
a definite form and aim ; and this was brought about 
chiefly by certain circumstances which had taken place 
in the scientific world shortly before this period. 

A number of distinguished individuals in Britain,- 
some years prior to Mungo Park's Indian voyage, had 
formed themselves into an association for the purpose 
of promoting discoveries in Africa, the interior of 
which remained almost entirely a blank in modern 
geography. Indeed, the knowledge of the civilised 
world upon the subject of the African continent, was 
actually more extended and more accurate two thou- 
sand years back, than it was towards the close of the 
eighteenth century. This stigma the founders of the 
African Association proposed to wipe away ; and, as it 
proved, the hour, and the man for the task, soon came. 
Under the auspices of the society, Mungo Park un- 
dertook the task of penetrating into the interior of Af- 
rica. The great light which he threw upon this long 
obscure subject, will best appear from the records of 
his travels. Full justice, however, cannot be done to 
his exertions, unless some explanation be given of the 
actual state of our knowledge respecting African geo- 
graphy, previous to his entrance on the field of discovery^ 
Herodotus, the oldest historian of ancient Greece, 
and who flourished between two and three thousand 



MOTIVES FOR UNDERTAKING THE EXPEDITION. 



years ago, describes a large inland river of Africa, 
named the Niger, which flowed, according to his ac- 
count, from west to east — that is, from the western 
coast into the centre of the country. Of the existence 
of this stream, Herodotus was made aware by the 
personal communications of some travellers belonging 
to the northern regions of the African continent, and 
who stated themselves to have seen the river in ques- 
tion. Several succeeding writers confirmed the rela- 
tion of Herodotus ; but the geographers of the middle 
ages, and particularly certain Arab writers, denied 
the existence of any large river in the interior of Af- 
rica, with such a course as that ascribed to the Niger. 
They admitted that a river of that name existed, but 
described it as flowing from east to west. As two large 
streams, the Gambia and Senegal, do really flow from 
the interior into the sea in this direction, at the part 
of Africa in question, it appeared an easy solution of 
the matter to regard the course, and even the existence, 
of the Niger as altogether a mistake, springing out of 
some confused notions relative to one or other of the 
two streams alluded to. This conclusion was, in reality, 
the one adopted by the majority of the geographers of 
the eighteenth century, though some of the most dis- 
tinguished, such as D'Anville and Rennel, were inclined 
to put faith in the statement of Herodotus. The vast 
breadth of the African continent from west to east, 
more especially in its central latitudes, together with 
the absence of any visible outlet on the eastern coast, 
constituted the main argument against admitting the 
existence of a large inland river, with the course attri- 
buted to the Niger. The Nile was the only stream 
issuing from the interior of the continent, with such a 
mass of waters, and with such a course, as to permit 
the possibility of some one of its upper streams being 
regarded as the river called the Niger. Herodotus 
himself was of opinion that the Niger was identical with 
the Nile ; and, upon the whole, this was the belief most 
generally entertained by those of the moderns who 
allowed the Niger's existence. But so many difficulties 
opposed this identification of the two rivers, that the 
greater number of the geographers of the eighteenth 
century preferred, as has been said, to regard the story 
of the Niger as altogether fabulous, or, at the least, as 
founded in mistake. Such was the uncertainty in which 
this matter was involved ; and the same ignorance pre- 
vailed with respect to other particulars connected with 
the African continent. The character of the interior, 
its products, and its people, were all points wrapt in 
the profoundest mystery, and were the subject of fre- 
quent and earnest disputations. 

Nor are these questions to be viewed in the light of 
mere objects of scientific curiosity ; they were questions 
of the deepest general interest to humanity, and their 
solution of the highest consequence to the ultimate 
spread of civilisation over the earth. How much Mungo 
Park did to solve them, the sequel of this work will 
sufficiently show. The enlightened society under whose 
auspices he entered on the enterprise of African disco- 
very, had sent out several travellers on the same mis- 
sion, previous to their employment of him. John 
Ledyard, a man with some oddities in his character, 
but with high physical and mental endowments for the 
task, undertook, at the society's request, to penetrate 
into the interior of Africa, by way of Egypt. He died, 
however, at Cairo, ere his journey was well begun. 
Shortly after, Mr Lucas made a similar attempt, in a 
more westerly quarter of the north of Africa, but suc- 
ceeded only in entering the interior to the distance of 
five days' journey southward of Tripoli. Another ad- 
venturer, Major Houghton, made the endeavour to 
accomplish the same enterprise by ascending the Gam- 
bia. After suffering severely from the natives (Moors), 
he died at Jarra, a town in the district of Ludamar, 
about half way between the coast and Lake Dibbie. 
His fate was unknown, until ascertained by Park. 

All has now been said that seems necessary to explain 
the position of matters at the time when Mungo Park 
presented himself to the African Association, and of- 
fered his services to promote the great objects the body 



had in view. No ordinary degree of boldness and 
ardour of spirit was necessary to prompt such an offer, 
after the unhappy end of Ledyard, and the disappear- 
ance of Major Houghton only two years before. Park's 
motives for making the offer are affectingly described 
by himself, in the first chapter of his travels. After 
some inquiries into his qualifications, the association 
readily agreed to make use of his services. From the 
strength, vigour, and hardihood of his frame, as well as 
from his mental qualities (though these were, as yet, 
but partially known), he was, indeed, as fit a man for 
their purpose as probably ever breathed. 

It was not, however, until the summer of 1795, that 
all tilings were in readiness for Park's departure. With 
the exception of a brief sojourn with his relatives in 
Scotland, the interval was spent by him in London, 
chiefly in acquiring the knowledge, and making the 
preparations, necessary for the prosecution of his peri- 
lous enterprise. The association had determined upon 
the same route for him as that which Major Houghton 
had attempted — the ascent, to wit, of the Gambia, which 
seemed, undoubtedly, the shortest path to the regions 
to be explored. All instructions being received, and 
every preparation completed, in May 1795, Park took 
his leave of England. His own narrative, which fol- 
lows in an entire form, will give the history of his ad- 
ventures up to the period of has return from this his first 
journey. 



TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA. 

CHAPTER I. 

The Author's Motives for undertaking the Voyage — His Instruc- 
tions and Departure — Arrives at Jillifree, on the Gambia River 
—Proceeds to Vintain. — Some Account of the Feloops.— Pro- 
ceeds up the River for Jonkakonda — Arrives at Dr Laidley's.— 
Some Account of Pisania, and the British Factory established 
at that place. — The Author's Employment during his stay at 
Pisania — His Sickness and Recovery — The Country described— 
Prepares to set out for the Interior. 

Soon after my return from the East Indies in 1793, 
having learned that the noblemen and gentlemen as- 
sociated for the purpose of prosecuting discoveries in 
the interior of Africa, were desirous of engaging a per- 
son to explore that continent, by the way of the Gambia 
river, I took occasion, through means of the President 
of the Royal Society, to whom I had the honour to be 
known, of offering myself for that service. I had 
been informed, that a gentleman of the name of 
Houghton, a captain in the army, and formerly fort- 
major at Goree, had already sailed to the Gambia, 
under the direction of the association, and that there 
was reason to apprehend he had fallen a sacrifice to 
the climate, or perished in some contest with the na- 
tives. But this intelligence, instead of deterring me 
from my purpose, animated me to persist in the offer 
of my services with the greater solicitude. I had a 
passionate desire to examine into the productions of a 
country so little known, and to become experimentally 
acquainted with the modes of life, and character of 
the natives. I knew that I was able to bear fatigue ; 
and I relied on my youth, and the strength of my con- 
stitution, to preserve me from the effects of the climate. 
The salary which the committee allowed was sufficiently 
large, and I made no stipulation for future reward. If 
I should perish in my journey, I was willing that my 
hopes and expectations should perish with me ; and if 
I should succeed in rendering the geography of Africa 
more familiar to my countrymen, and in opening to 
their ambition and industry new sources of wealth, and 
new channels of commerce, I knew that I was in the 
hands of men of honour, who would not fail to bestow 
that remuneration which my successful services should 
appear to them to merit. The committee of the asso- 
ciation having- made such inquiries as they thought 
necessary, declared themselves satisfied with the qua- 
lifications that I possessed, and accepted me for the 
service ; and, with that liberality which on all occasions 
distinguishes their conduct, gave me every encourage- 



DEPARTURE FOR AFRICA.— ARRIVAL AT THE GAMBIA. 



ment which it was in their power to grant, or which I 
could with propriety ask. 

It was at first proposed that I should accompany Mr 
James Willis, who was then recently appointed consul at 
Senegambia, and whose countenance in that capacity, it 
was thought, might have served and protected me ; but 
government afterwards rescinded his appointment, and 
I lost that advantage. The kindness of the committee, 
however, supplied all that was necessary. Being fa- 
voured by the secretary of the association, the late 
Henry Beaufoy, Esq., with a recommendation to Dr 
John Laidley (a gentleman who had resided many 
years at an English factory on the banks of the Gam- 
bia), and furnished with a letter of credit on him for 
£200, I took my passage in the brig Endeavour — a 
small vessel trading to the Gambia for bees' wax and 
ivory, commanded by Captain Richard Wyatt — and I 
became impatient for my departure. 

My instructions were very plain and concise. I was 
directed, on my arrival in Africa, " to pass on to the 
river Niger, either by the way of Bambouk, or by such 
other route as should be found most convenient — that 
I should ascertain the course, and, if possible, the rise 
and termination, of that river — that I should use my 
utmost exertions to visit the principal towns or cities 
in its neighbourhood, particularly Tombuctoo and 
Houssa — and that I should be afterwards at liberty to 
return to Europe, either by the way of the Gambia, or 
by such other route, as under all the then existing cir- 
cumstances of my situation and prospects should ap- 
pear to me to be most advisable." 

We sailed from Portsmouth on the 22d day of May 
1795. On the 4th of June, we saw the mountains over 
Mogadore, on the coast of Africa; and on the 21st of 
the same month, after a pleasant voyage of thirty days, 
we anchored at Jillifree, a town on the northern bank 
of the river Gambia, opposite to James's Island, where 
the English had formerly a small fort. 

The kingdom of Barra, in which the town of Jillifree 
is situated, produces great plenty of the necessaries of 
life ; but the chief trade of the inhabitants is in salt — 
which commodity they carry up the river in canoes as 
high as Barraconda, and bring down in return Indian 
corn, cotton cloths, elephants' teeth, small quantities 
of gold dust, &c. The number of canoes and people 
constantly employed in this trade, makes the king of 
Barra more formidable to Europeans than any other 
chieftain on the river ; and this circumstance probably 
encouraged him to establish those exorbitant duties, 
which traders of all nations are obliged to pay at entry, 
amounting to nearly £20 on every vessel, great and 
small. These duties, or customs, are generally col- 
lected in person by the Alkaid, or Governor of Jilli- 
free, and he is attended on these occasions by a nume- 
rous train of dependents, among whom are found many 
who, by their frequent intercourse with the English, 
liave acquired a smattering of our language : but they 
are commonly very noisy, and very troublesome — beg- 
ging for every thing they fancy with such earnestness 
and importunity, that traders, in order to get quit of 
them, are frequently obliged to grant their requests. 

On the 23d we departed from Jillifree, and proceeded 
to Vintain, a town situated about two miles up a creek 
on the southern side of the river. This place is much 
resorted to by Europeans, on account of the great 
quantities of bees' wax which are brought hither for 
sale : the wax is collected in the woods by the Feloops, 
a wild and unsociable race of people. Their country, 
which is of considerable extent, abounds in rice ; and 
the natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia and 
Cassamansa rivers, with that article, and also with 

goats and poultry, on very reasonable terms. The 
oney which they collect is chiefly used by themselves 
in making a strong intoxicating liquor, much the same 
as the mead which is produced from honey in Great 
Britain. 

In their traffic with Europeans, the Feloops gene- 
rally employ a factor, or agent of the Mandingo nation, 
who speaks a little English, and is acquainted with the 
trade of the river. This broker makes the bargain ; 



and> with the connivance of the European, receives a 
certain part only of the payment, which he gives to his 
employer as the whole ; the remainder (which is very 
truly called the cheating money) he receives when the 
Feloop is gone, and appropriates to himself as a reward 
for his trouble. 

The language of the Feloops is appropriate and pe- 
culiar; and as their trade is chiefly conducted, as hath 
been observed, by Mandingoes, the Europeans have no 
inducement to learn it. 

The numerals are as follow :— - 



One, Enory. 

Two, Sickaba, or Cookaba. 

Three, Sisajee. 

Four, Sibakeer. 

Five, Footuck. 



Six, Footuck-Enory. 
Seven, Footuck-Cookaba. 
Eight, Footuck-Sisajee. 
Nine, Footuck-Sibakeer. 
Ten, Sibankonyen. 



On the 26th we left Vintain, and continued our course 
up the river, anchoring whenever the tide failed us, and 
frequently towing the vessel with the boat. The river 
is deep and muddy ; the banks are covered with impe- 
netrable thickets of mangrove ; and the whole of the 
adjacent country appears to be flat and swampy. 

The Gambia abounds with fish, some species of which 
are excellent food ; but none of them that I recollect 
are known in Europe. At the entrance from the sea, 
sharks are found in great abundance ; and, higher up, 
alligators and the hippopotamus (or river horse) are 
very numerous. The latter might with more propriety 
be called the river-elephant, being of an enormous and 
unwieldy bulk, and his teeth furnish good ivory. This 
animal is amphibious, with short and thick legs, and 
cloven hoofs ; it feeds on grass, and such shrubs as the 
banks of the river afford, boughs of trees, &c. — seldom 
venturing far from the water, in which it seeks refuge 
on hearing the approach of man. I have seen many, 
and always found them of a timid and inoffensive dis- 
position. 

In six days after leaving Vintain, we reached Jonka- 
konda, a place of considerable trade, where our vessel 
was to take in part of her lading. The next morning, 
the several European traders came from their different 
factories to receive their letters, and learn the nature 
and amount of the cargo ; and the captain dispatched 
a messenger to Dr Laidley to inform him of my arrival. 
He came to Jonkakonda the morning following, when 
I delivered him Mr Beaufoy's letter, and he gave me 
a land invitation to spend my time at his house until 
an opportunity should offer of prosecuting my journey. 
This invitation was too acceptable to be refused, and 
being furnished by the Doctor with a horse and guide, 
I set out from Jonkakonda at daybreak, on the 5th of 
July, and at eleven o'clock arrived at Pisania, where I 
was accommodated with a room, and other conveni- 
ences, in the Doctor's house. 

Pisania is a small village in the Icing of Yany's do- 
minions, established by British subjects as a factory 
for trade, and inhabited solely by them and their black 
servants. It is situated on the banks of the Gambia, 
sixteen miles above Jonkakonda. The white residents, 
at the time of my arrival there, consisted only of Dr 
Laidley, and two gentlemen who were brothers, of the 
name of Ainsley ; but their domestics were numerous. 
They enjoyed perfect security under the king's protec- 
tion, and being highly esteemed and respected by the 
natives at large, wanted no accommodation or comfort 
which the country could supply ; and the greatest part 
of the trade in slaves, ivory, and gold, was in their hands. 

Being now settled for some time at my ease, my 
first object was to learn the Mandingo tongue, being the 
language in almost general use throughout this part 
of Africa, and without which I was fully convinced 
that I never could acquire an extensive knowledge of 
the country or its inhabitants. In this pursuit I was 
greatly assisted by Dr Laidley, who, by a long residence 
in the country, and constant intercourse with the na- 
tives, had made himself completely master of it. Next 
to the language, my great object was to collect infor- 
mation concerning the countries I intended to visit. 
On this occasion 1 was referred to certain traders called 
slatces. These are free black merchants, of great con- 



8 



COUNTRY DESCRIBED.— HABITS OF THE NATIVES. 



sideration in this part of Africa, who come down from 
the interior countries, chiefly with enslaved negroes 
for sale ; but I soon discovered that very little depend- 
ence could be placed on the accounts which they gave ; 
for they contradicted each other in the most important 
particulars, and all of them seemed extremely unwill- 
ing that I should prosecute my journey. These cir- 
cumstances increased my anxiety to ascertain the truth 
from my own personal observations. 

In researches of this kind, and in observing the 
manners and customs of the natives, in a country so 
little known to the nations of Europe, and furnished 
with so many striking and uncommon objects of nature, 
my time passed not unpleasantly ; and I began to flat- 
ter myself that I had escaped the fever, or seasoning, to 
which Europeans, on their first arrival in hot climates, 
are generally subject. But on the 31st of July I im- 
prudently exposed myself to the night dew, in observing 
an eclipse of the moon, with a view to determine the 
longitude of the place : the next day I found myself 
attacked with a smart fever and delirium ; and such 
an illuess followed, as confined me to the house during 
the greatest part of August. My recovery was very 
slow ; but I embraced every short interval of conva- 
lescence to walk out, and make myself acquainted with 
the productions of the country. In one of those ex- 
cursions, having rambled farther than usual, in a hot 
day, I brought on a return of my fever, and on the 
10th of September I was again confined to my bed. 
The fever, however, was not so violent as before ; and 
in the course of three weeks I was able, when the 
weather would permit, to renew my botanical excur- 
sions ; and when it rained, I amused myself with draw- 
ing plants, &c. in my chamber. The care and attention 
of Dr Laidley contributed greatly to alleviate my suf- 
ferings ; his company and conversation beguiled the 
tedious hours during that gloomy season when the rain 
falls in torrents, when suffocating heats oppress by 
day, and when the night is spent by the terrified tra- 
veller in listening to the croaking of frogs (of which 
the numbers are beyond imagination), the shrill cry of 
the jackall, and the deep howling of the hyaena— a dis- 
mal concert, interrupted only by the roar of such tre- 
mendous thunder as no persons can form a conception 
of but those who have heard it. 

The country itself being an immense level, and very 
generally covered with wood, presents a tiresome and 
gloomy uniformity to the eye ; but although nature has 
denied to the inhabitants the beauties of romantic land- 
scapes, she has bestowed on them, with a liberal hand, 
the more important blessings of fertility and abundance. 
A little attention to cultivation procures a sufficiency 
of corn ; the fields afford a rich pasturage for cattle ; 
and the natives are plentifully supplied with excellent 
fish, both from the Gambia river and the Walli creek. 

The grains which are chiefly cultivated are — Indian 
corn, zea mays ; two kinds of holcus spicatus, called by 
the natives soono and sanio; holcus niger, and holcus 
bicolor — the former of which they have named bassi 
woolima, and the latter bassiqui. These, together with 
rice, are raised in considerable quantities ; besides 
which, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the towns and 
villages have gardens which produce onions, calavances, 
yams, cassavi, ground nuts, pompions, gourds, water 
melons, and some other esculent plants. 

I observed likewise, near the towns, small patches of 
cotton and indigo. The former of these articles sup- 
plies them with clothing, and with the latter they dye 
their cloth of an excellent blue colour, in a manner that 
will hereafter be described. 

In preparing their corn for food, the natives use a 
large wooden mortar called a paloon, in which they bruise 
the seed until it parts with the outer covering, or husk, 
which is then separated from the clean corn by exposing 
it to the wind, nearly in the same manner as wheat is 
cleared from the chaff in England. The corn thus freed 
from the husk, is returned to the mortar, and beaten 
into meal, which is dressed variously in different coun- 
tries ; but the most common preparation of it among 
the nations of the Gambia, is a sort of pudding, which 



they call kouskous. It is made by first moistening the 
flour with water, and then stirring and shaking it about 
in a large calabash, or gourd, till it adheres together 
in small granules, resembling sago. It is then put into 
an earthen pot, whose bottom is perforated with a num- 
ber of small holes ; and this pot being placed upon an- 
other, the two vessels are luted together, either with a 
paste of meal and water, or with cow's dung, and placed 
upon the fire. In the lower vessel is commonly some 
animal food and water, the steam or vapour of which 
ascends through the perforations in the bottom of the 
upper vessel, and softens and prepares the kouskous, 
which is very much esteemed throughout all the coun- 
tries that I visited. I am informed, that the same 
manner of preparing flour is very generally used on 
the Barbary coast, and that the dish so prepared is 
there called by the same name. It is therefore pro- 
bable, that the negroes borrowed the practice from the 
Moors. 

For gratifying a taste for variety, another sort of 
pudding, called nealing, is sometimes prepared from 
the meal of corn ; and they have also adopted two or 
three different modes of dressing their rice. Of vege- 
table food, therefore, the natives have no deficiency ; 
and although the common class of people are but spa- 
ringly supplied with animal food, yet this article is not 
wholly withheld from them. 

Their domestic animals are nearly the same as in 
Europe. Swine are found in the woods, but their flesh 
is not esteemed : probably the marked abhorrence in 
whi^h this animal is held by the votaries of Mahomet, 
has spread itself among the pagans. Poultry of all 
kinds, the turkey excepted, is every where to be had. 
The guinea fowl and red partridge abound in the fields ; 
and the woods furnish a small species of antelope, of 
which the venison is highly and deservedly prized.. 

Of the other wild animals in the Mandingo countries, 
the most common are the hyaena, the panther, and the 
elephant. Considering the use that is made of the latter 
in the East Indies, it may be thought extraordinary 
that the natives of Africa have not, in any part of this 
immense continent, acquired the skill of taming this 
powerful and docile creature, and applying his strength 
and faculties to the service of man. When I told some 
of the natives that this was actually done in the coun- 
tries of the East, my auditors laughed me to scorn, and 
exclaimed, tobaubo fonnio ! — " a white man's lie !" The 
negroes frequently find means to destroy the elephant 
by fire-arms ; they hunt it principally for the sake of 
the teeth, which they transfer in barter to those who 
sell them again to the Europeans. The flesh they eat, 
and consider it as a great delicacy. 

The usual beast of burden in all the negro territories, 
is the ass. The application of animal labour to the pur- 
poses of agriculture, is nowhere adopted ; the plough, 
therefore, is Svholly unknown. The chief implement 
used in husbandry is the hoe, which varies in form in 
different districts ; and the labour is universally per- 
formed by slaves. 

On the 6th of October, the waters of the Gambia were 
at the greatest height, being fifteen feet above the high 
water mark of the tide, after which they began to sub- 
side—at first slowly, but afterwards very rapidly, some- 
times sinking more than a foot in twenty-four hours : 
by the beginning of November the river had sunk to its 
former level, and the tide ebbed and flowed as usual. 
When the river had subsided, and the atmosphere grew 
dry, I recovered apace, and began to think of my de- 
parture — for this is reckoned the most proper season 
for travelling : the natives had completed their harvest, 
and provisions were every where cheap and plentiful. 

Dr Laidley was at this time employed in a trading 
voyage at Jonkakonda. I wrote to him to desire that 
he would use his interest with the slatees, or slave 
merchants, to procure me the company and protection 
of the first coffle (or caravan) that might leave Gambia 
for the interior country ; and, in the meantime, I re- 
quested him to purchase for me a horse and two asses. 
A few days afterwards the Doctor returned to Pisania, 
and informed me that a coffle would certainly go for 



THE FELOOPS, JALOFFS, FOULAHS, AND MANDINGOES. 



the interior in the course of the dry season ; but that, 
as many of the merchants belonging to it had not yet 
completed their assortment of goods, he could not say 
at what time they would set out. 

As the characters and dispositions of the slatees, and 
people that composed the caravan, were entirely un- 
known to me — and as they seemed rather averse to 
my purpose, and unwilling to enter into any positive 
engagements on my account — and the time of their 
departure being withal very uncertain, I resolved, on 
farther deliberation, to avail myself of the dry season, 
and proceed without them. 

Dr Laidley approved my determination, and pro- 
mised me every assistance in his power, to enable me 
to prosecute my journey with comfort and safety. 

This resolution having been formed, I made prepara- 
tions accordingly. And now, being about to take leave 
of my hospitable friend (whose kindness and solicitude 
continued to the moment of my departure*), and to 
quit, for many months, the countries bordering on the 
Gambia, it seems proper, before I proceed with my 
narrative, that I should, in this place, give some ac- 
count of the negro nations which inhabit the several 
banks of this celebrated river, and the commercial in- 
tercourse that subsists between them and such of the 
nations of Europe as find their advantage in trading to 
this part of Africa. The observations which have oc- 
curred to me on both these subjects, will be found in 
the following chapter. 



CHAPTER II, 

Description of the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and Man- 
dingoes. — Some Account of the Trade between the Nations of 
Europe, and the Natives of Africa, by the way of the Gambia, 
and between the Native Inhabitants of the Coast and the Na- 
tions of the Interior Countries— Their mode of Selling and 
Buying, &c. 

The natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, 
though distributed into a great many distinct govern- 
ments, may, I think, be divided into four great classes 
— the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the Man- 
dingoes. Among all these nations, the religion of Ma- 
homet has made, and continues to make, considerable 
progress ; but in most of them, the body of the people, 
both free and enslaved, persevere in maintaining the 
blind but harmless superstitions of their ancestors, and 
are called by the Mahomedans kafirs, or infidels. 

Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has been 
observed concerning them in the former chapter. They 
are of a gloomy disposition, and are supposed never to 
forgive an injury. They are even said to transmit 
their quarrels as deadly feuds to their posterity — inso- 
much that a son considers it as incumbent on him, 
from a just sense of filial obligation, to become the 
avenger of his deceased father's wrongs. If a man 
loses his life in one of those sudden quarrels which 
perpetually occur at their feasts, when the whole party 
is intoxicated with mead, his son, or the eldest of his 
sons (if he has more than one), endeavours to procure 
his father's sandals, which he wears once a-year, on the 
anniversary of his father's death, until a fit opportunity 
offers of revenging his fate, when the object of his re- 
sentment seldom escapes his pursuit. This fierce and 
unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalanced 
by many good qualities — they display the utmost gra- 
titude and affection towards their benefactors — and the 
fidelity with which they preserve whatever is entrusted 
to them is remarkable. During the present war, they 
have more than once taken up arms to defend our 
merchant vessels from French privateers ; and English 
property, of considerable value, has frequently been 
left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely under the care 
of the Feloops, who have uniformly manifested, on such 

* Dr Laidley, to my infinite regret, has since paid the debt of 
nature. He left Africa in the latter end of 1797, intending to 
return to Great Britain by way of the West [ndies ; and died 
soon after his arrival at Barbadoef. 



occasions, the strictest honesty and punctuality. How 
greatly is it to be wished, that the minds of a people so 
determined and faithful, could be softened and civilised 
by the mild and benevolent spirit of Christianity ! 

The Jaloffs (or Yaloffs) are an active, powerful, and 
warlike race, inhabiting great part of that tract which 
lies between the river Senegal and the Mandingo states 
on the Gambia ; yet they differ from the Mandingoes, 
not only in language, but likewise in complexion and 
features. The noses of the Jaloffs are not so much 
depressed, nor the lips so protuberant, as among the 
generality of Africans ; and although their skin is of 
the deepest black, they are considered by the white 
traders as the most sightly negroes in this part of the 
continent. 

They are divided into several independent states or 
kingdoms, which are frequently at war, either with 
their neighbours, or with each other. In their man- 
ners, superstitions, and government, however, they have 
a greater resemblance to the Mandingoes (of whom I 
shall presently speak) than to any other nation ; but 
excel them in the manufacture of cotton cloth — spinning 
the wool to a finer thread, weaving it in a broader loom, 
and dyeing it of a better colour. 

Their language is said to be copious and significant, 
and is often learnt by Europeans trading to Senegal. 
I cannot say much of it from my own knowledge, but 
have preserved their numerals, which are these : — 



One, Wean. 
Two, Yar. 
Three, Yat. 
Four, Yanet. 
Five, Judom. 
Six, Judom Wean. 



Seven, Judom Yar. 
Eight, Judom Yat. 
Nine, Judom Yanet. 
Ten, Fook. 
Eleven, Fook aug Wean, &c. 



The Foulahs (or Pholeys), such of them at least as 
reside near the Gambia, are chiefly of a tawny com- 
plexion, with soft silky hair, and pleasing features. They 
are much attached to a pastoral life, and have intro- 
duced themselves into all the kingdoms on the windward 
coast as herdsmen and husbandmen, paying a tribute 
to the sovereign of the country for the lands which 
they hold. Not having many opportunities, however, 
during my residence at Pisania, of improving my ac- 
quaintance with these people, I defer entering at large 
into their character until a fitter occasion occurs, which 
will present itself when I come to Bondou. 

The Mandingoes, of whom it remains to speak, con- 
stitute, in truth, the bulk of the inhabitants in all those 
districts of Africa which I visited ; and their language, 
with a few exceptions, is universally understood, and 
very generally spoken, in that part of the continent. 
Their numerals are these :* — 



One, Killin. 
Two, Foola. 
Three, Sabba. 
Four, Nani. 
Five, Loolo. 
Six, Woro. 



Seven, Oronglo. 

Eight, Sie. 

Nine, Conunta. 

Ten, Tang. 

Eleven, Tan ning Killin, &c. 



They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having 
originally migrated from the interior state of Manding, 
of which some account will hereafter be given ; but, 
contrary to the present constitution of their parent 
country, which is republican, it appeared to me that the 
government in all the Mandingo states near the Gambia 
is monarchical. The power of the sovereign is, how- 
ever, by no means unlimited. In all affairs of impor- 
tance, the king calls an assembly of the principal men, 
or elders, by whose councils he is directed, and without 
whose advice he can neither declare war nor conclude 
peace. 

In every considerable town there is a chief magis- 
trate, called the alkaid, whose office is hereditary, and 
whose business it is to preserve order, to levy duties 
on travellers, and to preside at all conferences in the 
exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration of 
justice. These courts are composed of the elders of 
the town (of free condition), and are termed palavers ; 

* In the travels of Francis Moore, the reader will find a pretty 
copious vocabulary of tho Mandingo language, which in general is 
correct. 



10 



MANNERS OF THE NEGROES. 



and their proceedings are conducted in the open air, 
with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a question are 
freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and 
the decisions which follow generally meet with the ap- 
probation of the surrounding audience. 

As the negroes have no written language of their own, 
the general rule of decision is an appeal to ancient cus- 
tom; but since the system of Mahomet has made so 
great progress among them, the converts to that faith 
have gradually introduced, with the religious tenets, 
many of the civil institutions of the prophet ; and where 
the Koran is not found sufficiently explicit, recourse is 
had to a commentary called Al Sharra, containing, as 
I was told, a complete exposition or digest of the Ma- 
homedan laws, both civil and criminal, properly ar- 
ranged and illustrated. 

This frequency of appeal to written laws, with which 
the pagan natives are necessarily unacquainted, has 
given rise in their palavers to (what I little expected 
to find in Africa) professional advocates, or expounders 
of the law, who are allowed to appear and to plead for 
plaintiff or defendant, much in the same manner as 
counsel in the law courts of Great Britain. They are 
Mahomedan negroes who have made, or affect to have 
made, the laws of the prophet their peculiar study; 
and if I may judge from their harangues, which I 
frequently attended, I believe, that in the forensic 
qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and the arts 
of confounding and perplexing a cause, they are not 
always surpassed by the ablest pleaders in Europe. 
While I was at Pisania, a cause was heard which fur- 
nished the Mahomedan lawyers with an admirable op- 
portunity of displaying their professional dexterity. 
The case was this : — An ass belonging to a Serawoolli 
negro (a native of an interior country near the river 
Senegal) had broke into a field of corn belonging to one 
of the Mandingo inhabitants, and destroyed great part 
of it. The Mandingo having caught the animal in his 
field, immediately drew his knife and cut its throat. 
The Serawoolli thereupon called a palaver (or in Euro- 
pean terms, brought an action) to recover damages for 
the loss of his beast, on which he set a high value. The 
defendant confessed he had killed the ass, but pleaded 
a set off, insisting that the loss he had sustained by the 
ravage in his corn was equal to the sum demanded for 
the animal. To ascertain this fact was the point at 
issue, and the learned advocates contrived to puzzle 
the cause in such a manner, that after a hearing of 
three days, the court broke up without coming to any 
determination upon it ; and a second palaver was, I 
suppose, thought necessary. 

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, 
sociable, and obliging disposition. The men are com- 
monly above the middle size, well shaped, strong, and 
capable of enduring great labour ; the women are good 
natured, sprightly, and agreeable. The dress of both 
sexes is composed of cotton cloth, of their own manu- 
facture — that of the men is a loose frock, not unlike a 
surplice, with drawers which reach half way down the 
leg ; and they wear sandals on their feet, and white 
cotton caps on their heads. The women's dress con- 
sists of two pieces of cloth, each of which is about six 
feet long, and three broad ; one of these they wrap 
round the waist, which, hanging down to the ancles, 
answers the purpose of a petticoat — the other is thrown 
negligently over the bosom and shoulders. 

This account of their clothing is indeed nearly ap- 
plicable to the natives of all the different countries in 
this part of Africa ; a peculiar national mode is obser- 
vable only in the head dresses of the women. 

Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females 
wear a sort of bandage, which they call jalla. It is a 
narrow stripe of cotton cloth, wrapped many times 
round, immediately over the forehead. In Bondou, the 
head is encircled with strings of white beads, and a 
small plate of gold is worn in the middle of the fore- 
head. In Kasson, the ladies decorate their heads, in 
a very tasteful and elegant manner, with white sea- 
shells. In Kaarta and Ludamar, the women raise 
their hair to a great height by the addition of a pad 



(as the ladies did formerly in Great Britain), which 
they decorate with a species of coral, brought from the 
Red Sea by pilgrims returning from Mecca, and sold 
at a great price. 

In the construction of their dwelling-houses, the 
Mandingoes also conform to the general practice of 
the African nations on this part of the continent, con- 
tenting themselves with small and incommodious hovels. 
A circular mud wall about four feet high, upon which 
is placed a conical roof, composed of the bamboo cane, 
and thatched with grass, forms alike the palace of the 
king and the hovel of the slave. Then* household fur- 
niture is equally simple. A hurdle of canes placed 
upon upright sticks, about two feet from the ground, 
upon which is spread a mat or bullock's hide, answers 
the purpose of a bed ; a water jar, some earthen pots 
for dressing their food, a few wooden bowls and cala- 
bashes, and one or two low stools, compose the rest. 

As every man of free condition has a plurality of 
wives, it is found necessary (to prevent, I suppose, 
matrimonial disputes) that each of the ladies should be 
accommodated with a hut to herself ; and all the huts 
belonging to the same family are surrounded by a 
fence, constructed of bamboo canes, split and formed 
into a sort of wicker-work. The whole inclosure is 
called a sirk, or surk. A number of these inclosures, 
with narrow passages between them, form what is 
called a town ; but the huts are generally placed with- 
out any regularity, according to the caprice of the 
owner. The only rule that seems to be attended to, 
is placing the door towards the south-west, in order to 
admit the sea breeze. 

In each town is a large stage called the bentang, which 
answers the purpose of a public hall or town-house ; it 
is composed of interwoven canes, and is generally shel- 
tered from the sun by being erected hi the shade of 
some large tree. It is here that all public affairs are 
transacted and trials conducted ; and here the lazy and 
indolent meet to smoke then' pipes, and hear the news 
of the day. In most of the towns the Mahomedans 
have also a missura, or mosque, in which they assemble 
and offer up their daily prayers, according to the rules 
of the Koran. 

In the account which I have thus given of the na- 
tives, the reader must bear in mind, that my observa- 
tions apply chiefly to persons of free condition, who 
constitute, I suppose, not more than one-fourth part 
of the inhabitants at large ; the other three-fourths are 
in a state of hopeless and hereditary slavery, and are 
employed in cultivating the land, in the care of cattle, 
and in servile offices of all kinds, much in the same 
manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was told, 
however, that the Mandingo master can neither deprive 
his slave of life, nor sell him to a stranger, without first 
calling a palaver on his conduct — or, in other words, 
bringing him to a public trial ; but this degree of pro- 
tection is extended only to the native or domestic slave. 
Captives taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who 
are condemned to slavery for crimes or insolvency — . 
and, in short, all those unhappy people who are brought 
down from the interior countries for sale — have no se- 
curity whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in 
all respects as the owner thinks proper. It sometimes 
happens, indeed, when no ships are on the coast, that 
a humane and considerate master incorporates his pur- 
chased slaves among his domestics ; and then* offspring 
at least, if not the parents, become entitled to all the 
privileges of the native class. 

The preceding remarks concerning the several na- 
tions that inhabit the banks of the Gambia, are all that 
I recollect as necessary to be made in this place, at the 
outset of my journey. With regard to the Mandingoes, 
however, many particulars are yet to be related, some 
of which are necessarily interwoven into the narrative 
of my progress, and others will be given in a summary, 
at the end of my work, together with all such observa- 
tions as I have collected on the country and climate, 
which I could not with propriety insert in the regular 
detail of occurrences. What remains of the present 
chapter will therefore relate solely to the trade which 



<THE SLAVE TRADE. 



11 



the nations of Christendom have found means to esta- 
blish with the natives of Africa, by the channel of the 
Gambia, and the inland traffic which has arisen, in 
consequence of it, between the inhabitants of the coast 
and the nations of the interior countries. 

The earliest European establishment on this cele- 
brated river was a factory of the Portuguese, and to 
this must be ascribed the introduction of the nume- 
rous words of that language which are still in use among 
the negroes. The Dutch, French, and English, after- 
wards successively possessed themselves of settlements 
on the coast ; but the trade of the Gambia became, and 
continued for many years, a sort of monopoly in the 
hands of the English. In the travels of Francis Moore 
is preserved an account of the Royal African Company's 
establishments in this river in the year 1730 ; at which 
time, James's factory alone consisted of a governor, 
deputy governor, and two other principal officers; eight 
factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior attendants and 
tradesmen; a company of soldiers, and thirty-two negro 
servants — besides sloops, shallops, and boats, with their 
crews ; and there were no less than eight subordinate 
factories in other parts of the river. 

The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid 
open, was almost annihilated — the share which the sub- 
jects of England at this time hold in it, supports not 
more than two or three annual ships ; and I am in- 
formed that the gross value of British exports is under 
£20,000. The French and Danes still maintain a small 
share, and the Americans have lately sent a few vessels 
to the Gambia by way of experiment. 

The commodities exported to the Gambia from Eu- 
rope consist chiefly of fire-arms and ammunition, iron 
ware, spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton caps, a small 
quantity of broad cloth, and a few articles of the manu- 
facture of Manchester; a small assortment of India 
goods, with some glass beads, amber, and other trifles : 
for which are taken in exchange slaves, gold dust, ivory, 
bees' wax, and hides. Slaves are the chief article, but 
the whole number which at this time are annually ex- 
ported from the Gambia by all nations, is supposed to 
be under one thousand. 

Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the 
coast in periodical caravans ; many of them from very 
remote inland countries, for the language which they 
speak is not understood by the inhabitants of the mari- 
time districts. In a subsequent part of my work, I shall 
give the best information I have been able to collect 
concerning the manner in which they are obtained. — 
On their arrival at the coast, if no immediatesoppor- 
tunity offers of selling them to advantage, they are dis- 
tributed among the neighbouring villages, until a slave 
ship arrives, or until they can be sold to black traders, 
who sometimes purchase on speculation. In the mean- 
while, the poor wretches are kept constantly fettered, 
two and two of them being chained together, and em- 
ployed in the labours of the field ; and, I am sorry to 
add, are very scantily fed, as well as harshly treated. 
The price of a slave varies according to the number of 
purchasers from Europe, and the arrival of caravans 
from the interior ; but in general, I reckon that a young 
and healthy male, from sixteen to twenty-five years of 
age, may be estimated on the spot from £18 to £20 
sterling. 

The negro slave-merchants, as I have observed in 
the former chapter, are called slatees ; who, besides 
slaves, and the merchandise which they bring for sale 
to the whites, supply the inhabitants of the maritime 
districts with native iron, sweet smelling gums and 
frankincense, and a commodity called sheatoulou, which, 
literally translated, signifies tree-butter. This commodity 
is extracted, by means of boiling water, from the kernel 
of a nut, as will be more particularly described here- 
after : it has the consistence and appearance of butter, 
and is in truth an admirable substitute for it. It forms 
an important article in the food of the natives, and 
serves also for every domestic purpose in which oil 
would otherwise be used. The demand for it is there- 
fore very great. 
In payment of these articles, the maritime states 



supply the interior countries with salt — a scarce and 
valuable commodity, as I frequently and painfully ex- 
perienced in the course of my journey. Considerable 
quantities of this article, however, are also supplied to 
the inland natives by the Moors, who obtain it from 
the salt-pits in the Great Desert, and receive in return 
corn, cotton cloth, and slaves. 

In thus bartering one commodity for another, many 
inconveniences must necessarily have arisen at first 
from the want of coined money, or some other visible 
and determinate medium to settle the balance, or dif- 
ference of value, between different articles — to remedy 
which, the natives of the interior make use of small 
shells called kowries, as will be shown hereafter. On 
the coast, the inhabitants have adopted a practice which 
I believe is peculiar to themselves. 

In their early intercourse with Europeans, the ar- 
ticle that attracted most notice was iron. Its utility, 
in forming the instruments of war and husbandry, 
made it preferable to all others, and iron soon became 
the measure by which the value of all other commodi- 
ties was ascertained. Thus, a certain quantity of goods, 
of whatever denomination, appearing to be equal in 
value to a bar of iron, constituted, in the trader's phra- 
seology, a bar of that particular merchandise. Twenty 
leaves of tobacco, for instance, were considered as a bar 
of tobacco ; and a gallon of spirits (or rather half spi- 
rits and half water) as a bar of rum — a bar of one 
commodity being reckoned equal in value to a bar of 
another commodity. 

As, however, it must unavoidably happen, that ac- 
cording to the plenty or scarcity of goods at market in 
proportion to the demand, the relative value would be 
subject to continual fluctuation, greater precision has 
been found necessary ; and at this time, the current 
value of a single bar of any kind is fixed by the whites 
at two shillings sterling. Thus, a slave whose price is 
£15, is said to be worth 150 bars. 

In transactions of this nature, it is obvious that the 
white trader has infinitely the advantage over the Afri- 
can, whom, therefore, it is difficult to satisfy ; for, con- 
scious of his own ignorance, he naturally becomes ex- 
ceedingly suspicious and wavering : and indeed so very 
unsettled and jealous are the negroes in their dealings 
with the whites, that a bargain is never considered by 
the European as concluded, until the purchase money 
is paid, and the party has taken leave. 

Having now brought together such general observa- 
tions on the country and its inhabitants, as occurred to 
me during my residence in the vicinage of the Gambia, 
I shall detain the reader no longer with introductory 
matter, but proceed, in the next chapter, to a regular 
detail of the incidents which happened, and the reflec- 
tions which arose in my mind, in the course of my 
painful and perilous journey, from its commencement 
until my return to the Gambia. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Author sets out from Pisania— His Attendants— Reaches 
Jindey. — Story related by a Mandingo Negro. — Proceeds to Me- 
dina, the capital of Woolli. — Interview with the King.— Saphies 
or Charms. — Proceeds to Kolor — Description of Munibo Jumbo. 
— Arrives at Koojar — Wrestling Match. — Crosses the Wilder- 
ness, and arrives at Tallika, in the Kingdom of Bondou. 

On the 2d of December 1795, I took my departure from 
the hospitable mansion of Dr Laidley. 1 was fortu- 
nately provided with a negro servant, who spoke both 
the English and Mandingo tongues. His name was 
Johnson. He was a native of this part of Africa ; and 
having in his youth been conveyed to Jamaica as a 
slave, he had been made free, and taken to England by 
his master, where he had resided many years ; and at 
length found his way back to his native country. As 
he was known to Dr Laidley, the Doctor recommended 
him to me, and I hired him as my interpreter, at the 
rate of ten bars monthly, to be paid to himself, and 
five bars a-month to be paid to his wife during his 
absence. Dr Laidley furthermore provided me with a 



12 



SETS CUT FOR THE INTERIOR. 



negro boy of his own, named Demba — a sprightly youth, 
who, besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Sera- 
woollies, an inland people (of whom mention will here- 
after be made), residing on the banks of the Senegal ; 
and to induce him to behave well, the Doctor promised 
him his freedom on his return, in case I should report 
favourably of his fidelity and services. I was furnished 
with a horse for myself (a small, but very hardy and 
spirited beast, which cost me to the value of £7, 10s.), 
and two asses for my interpreter and servant. My 
baggage was light, consisting chiefly of provisions for 
two days ; a small assortment of beads, amber, and to- 
bacco, for the purchase of a fresh supply as I pro- 
ceeded ; a few changes of linen, and other necessary 
apparel ; an umbrella, a pocket sextant, a magnetic 
compass, and a thermometer ; together with two fowl- 
ing pieces, two pair of pistols, and some other small 
articles. 

A free man (a bushreen or Mahomedan), named 
Madiboo, who was travelling to the kingdom of Bam- 
bara, and two slatees, or slave merchants, of the Sera- 
woolli nation, and of the same sect, who were going to 
Bondou, offered their services as far as they intended 
respectively to proceed ; as did likewise a negro named 
Tami (also a Mahomedan), a native of Kasson, who had 
been employed some years by Dr Laidley as a black- 
smith, and was returning to his native country with the 
savings of his labours. All these men travelled on 
foot, driving their asses before them. 

Thus I had no less than six attendants, all of whom 
had been taught to regard me with great respect ; and 
to consider that their safe return hereafter, to the 
countries on the Gambia, would depend on my preser- 
vation. 

Dr Laidley himself, and Messrs Ainsley, with a num- 
ber of their domestics, kindly determined to accompany 
me the two first days ; and, I believe, they secretly 
thought they should never see me afterwards. 

We reached Jindey the same day, having crossed 
the Walli creek, a branch of the Gambia, and rested 
at the house of a black woman, who had formerly been 
the paramour of a white trader named Hewett ; and 
who, in consequence thereof, was called, by way of dis- 
tinction, seniora. In the evening we walked out to see 
an adjoining village, belonging to a slatee named Je- 
maffoo Mamadoo, the richest of all the Gambia traders. 
We found him at home ; and he thought so highly of 
the honour done him by this visit, that he presented us 
with a fine bullock, which was immediately killed, and 
part of it dressed for our evening's repast. 

The negroes do not go to supper till late ; and in 
order to amuse ourselves while our beef was preparing, 
a Mandingo was desired to relate some diverting stories 
— in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent 
three hours. These stories bear some resemblance to 
those in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments ; but, in 
general, are of a more ludicrous cast. I shall here 
abridge one of them for the reader's amusement. 

u Many years ago," said the relator, " the people of 
Doomasansa (a town on the Gambia) were much an- 
noyed by a lion, that came every night and took away 
some of their cattle. By continuing his depredations, 
the people were at length so much enraged that a party 
of them resolved to go and hunt the monster. They 
accordingly proceeded in search of the common enemy, 
which they found concealed in a thicket ; and imme- 
diately firing at him, were lucky enough to wound him 
in such a manner, that, in springing from the thicket 
towards the people, he fell down among the grass, and 
was unable to rise. The animal, however, manifested 
such appearance of vigour, that nobody cared to ap- 
proach him singly ; and a consultation was held con- 
cerning the most proper means of taking him alive — a 
circumstance, it was said, which, while it furnished 
undeniable proof of their prowess, would turn out to 
great advantage, it being resolved to convey him to the 
coast, and sell him to the Europeans. While some 
persons proposed one plan, and some another, an old 
man offered a scheme. This was to strip the roof of a 
house of its thatch, and to carry the bamboo frame J 



(the pieces of which are well secured together by 
thongs), and throw it over the lion. If, in approach- 
ing him, he should attempt to spring upon them, they 
had nothing to do but to let down the roof upon them- 
selves, and fire at the lion through the rafters. 

This proposition was approved and adopted. The 
thatch was taken from the roof of a hut, and the lion- 
hunters, supporting the fabric, marched courageously 
to the field of battle ; each person carrying a gun in 
one hand, and bearing his share of the roof on the op- 
posite shoulder. In this manner they approached the 
enemy ; but the beast had by this time recovered his 
strength, and such was the fierceness of his counte- 
nance, that the hunters, instead of proceeding any far- 
ther, thought it prudent to provide for their own safety, 
by covering themselves with the roof. Unfortunately, 
the lion was too nimble for them ; for, making a spring 
while the roof was setting down, both the beast and his 
pursuers were caught hi the same cage, and the lion 
devoured them at his leisure, to the great astonishment 
and mortification of the people of Doomasansa — at 
which place it is even dangerous at this day to tell the 
story ; for it is become the subject of laughter and de- 
rision in the neighbouring countries, and nothing will 
enrage an inhabitant of that town so much as desiring 
him to catch a lion alive." 

About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d of De- 
cember, I took my leave of Dr Laidley and Messrs 
Ainsley, and rode slowly into the woods. I had now 
before me a boundless forest, and a country, the inha- 
bitants of which were strangers to civilised life, and to 
most of whom a white man was the object of curiosity 
or plunder. I reflected that I had parted from the last 
European I might probably behold, and perhaps quitted 
for ever the comforts of Christian society. Thoughts 
like these would necessarily cast a gloom over my 
mind ; and I rode musing along for about three miles, 
when I was awakened from my reverie by a body of 
people, who came running up and stopped the asses, 
giving me to understand that I must go with them to 
Peckaba, to present myself to the king of Walli, or 
pay customs to them. I endeavoured to make them 
comprehend that the object of my journey not being 
traffic, I ought not to be subjected to a tax like the 
slatees, and other merchants, who travel for gain ; but 
I reasoned to no purpose. They said it was usual for 
travellers of all descriptions to make a present to the 
king of Walli, and without doing so I could not be per- 
mitted to proceed. As they were more numerous than 
my attendants, and withal very noisy, I thought it pru- 
dent to comply with their demand ; and having pre- 
sented them with four bars of tobacco, for the king's 
use, I was permitted to continue my journey, and at 
sunset reached a village near Ivootacunda, where we 
rested for the night. 

In the morning of December 4th, I passed Koota- 
cunda, the last town of Walli, and stopped about an hour 
at a small adjoining village to pay customs to an officer 
of the king of Woolli ; we rested the ensuing night at 
a village called Tabajang ; and at noon the next day 
(December 5th) we reached Medina, the capital of the 
king of Woolli's dominions. 

The kingdom of Woolli is bounded by Walli on the 
west, by the Gambia on the south, by the small river 
Walli on the north-west, by Bondou on the north-east, 
and on the east by the Simbani wilderness. 

The country every where rises into gentle acclivities, 
which are generally covered with extensive woods, and 
the towns are situated in the intermediate valleys. 
Each town is surrounded by a tract of cultivated land, 
the produce of which, I presume, is found sufficient to 
supply the wants of the inhabitants ; for the soil ap- 
peared to me to be every where fertile, except near 
the tops of the ridges, where the red ironstone and 
stunted shrubs sufficiently marked the boundaries 
between fertility and barrenness. The chief produc- 
tions are cotton, tobacco, and esculent vegetables ; all 
which are raised in the valleys, the rising grounds 
being appropriated to different sorts of corn. 

The inhabitants are Mandingoes ; and, like most of 



VISITS THE KING OF WOOLLI. 



13 



the Mandingo nations, are divided into two great sects 
— the Mahomedans, who are called bushreens, and the 
pagans, who are called indiscriminately kafirs (unbe- 
lievers) and sonakies (i. e. men who drink strong 
liquors.) The pagan natives are by far the most 
numerous, and the government of the country is in 
their hands ; for though the most respectable among 
the bushreens are frequently consulted in affairs of 
importance, yet they are never permitted to take any 
share in the executive government, which rests solely 
in the hands of the mama, or sovereign, and great 
officers of the state. Of these, the first in point of rank 
is the presumptive heir of the crown, who is called the 
farbanna ; next to him are the alkaids, or provincial 
governors, who are more frequently called keamos. 
Then follow the two grand divisions of freemen and 
slaves ;* of the former, the slatees, so frequently men- 
tioned in the preceding pages, are considered as the 
principal : but, in all classes, great respect is paid to 
the authority of aged men. 

On the death of the reigning monarch, his eldest son 
(if he has attained the age of manhood) succeeds to the 
regal authority. If there is no son, or if the son is 
under the age of discretion, a meeting of the great men 
is held, and the late monarch's nearest relation (com- 
monly his brother) is called to the government, not as 
regent, or guardian to the infant son, but in full right, 
and to the exclusion of the minor. The charges of the 
government are defrayed by occasional tributes from 
the people, and by duties on goods transported across 
the country. Travellers, on going from the Gambia 
towards the interior, pay customs in European mer- 
chandise. On returning, they pay in iron and shea- 
toulou. These taxes are paid at every town. 

Medina,f the capital of the kingdom, at which I was 
now arrived, is a place of considerable extent, and may 
contain from eight hundred to one thousand houses. It 
is fortified in the common African manner, by a sur- 
rounding high wall built of clay, and an outward fence 
of pointed stakes and prickly bushes ; but the walls are 
neglected, and the outward fence has suffered consider- 
ably from the active hands of busy housewives, who 
pluck up the stakes for firewood. I obtained a lodging 
at one of the king's near relations, who apprised me, 
that at my introduction to the king, I must not presume 
to shake hands with him. " It was not usual," he said, " to 
allow this liberty to strangers." Thus instructed, I went 
in the afternoon to pay my respects to the sovereign, 
and ask permission to pass through his territories to 
Bondou. The king's name was Jatta. He was the same 
venerable old man of whom so favourable an account 
was transmitted by Major Houghton. I found him 
seated upon a mat before the door of his hut : a num- 
ber of men and women were arranged on each side, 
who were singing and clapping their hands. I saluted 
him respectfully, and informed him of the purport of 
my visit. The king graciously replied, that he not only 
gave me leave to pass through his country, but would 
offer up his prayers for my safety. On this, one of my 
attendants, seemingly in return for the lung's conde- 
scension, began to sing, or rather to roar, an Arabic 
song ; at every pause of which, the king himself, and 
all the people present, struck their hands against their 
foreheads, and exclaimed, with devout and affecting 
solemnity, Amen, amen .'X The king told me further- 
more, that I should have a guide the day following, 
who would conduct me safely to the frontier of his 
kingdom. I then took my leave, and in the evening 
gent the king an order upon Dr Laidley for three 

* The term which signifies a man of free condition is horea ; 
that of a slave, jong. 

t Medina in the Arabic signifies a city ; the name is not uncom- 
mon among the negroes, and has probably been borrowed from 
the Mahomedans. 

^It may seem from hence that the king was a Mahomedan ; 
but I was assured to the contrary. He joined in prayer on this 
occasion probably from the mere dictates of his benevolent mind ; 
considering, perhaps, that prayers to the Almighty, offered up 
with true devotion and sincerity, wcro equally acceptable, 
whether from bushreen or pagan, 



gallons of rum, and received in return great store of 
provisions. 

December 6th. — Early in the morning I went to the 
king a second time, to learn if the guide was ready. I 
found his majesty sitting upon a bullock's hide, warm- 
ing himself before a large fire ; for the Africans are 
sensible of the smallest variation in the temperature of 
the air, and frequently complain of cold when a Euro- 
pean is oppressed with heat. He received me with a 
benevolent countenance, and tenderly entreated me to 
desist from my purpose of travelling into the interior ; 
telling me that Major Houghton had been killed in his 
route, and that if I followed his footsteps, I should 
probably meet with his fate. He said that I must not 
j udge of the people of the eastern country by those of 
Woolli: that the latter were acquainted with white 
men, and respected them, whereas the people of the 
east had never seen a white man, and would certainly 
destroy me. I thanked the king for his affectionate 
solicitude, but told him that I had considered the mat- 
ter, and was determined, notwithstanding all dangers, 
to proceed. The king shook his head, but desisted from 
farther persuasion, and told me the guide should be 
ready in the afternoon. 

About two o'clock, the guide appearing, I went and 
took my last farewell of the good old king, and in three 
hours reached Konjour, a small village, where Ave de- 
termined to rest for the night. Here I purchased a 
fine sheep for some beads, and my Serawoolli attend- 
ants killed it with all the ceremonies prescribed by their 
religion. Part of it was dressed for supper, after which 
a dispute arose between one of the Serawoolli negroes, 
and Johnson, my interpreter, about the sheep's horns. 
The former claimed the horns as his perquisite, for 
having acted the part of our butcher, and Johnson con- 
tested the claim. I settled the matter by giving a horn 
to each of them. This trifling incident is mentioned as 
introductory to what follows : for it appeared on inquiry 
that these horns were highly valued, as being easily 
convertible into pox'table sheaths, or cases, for contain- 
ing and keeping secure certain charms or amulets 
called saphies, which the negroes constantly wear about 
them. These saphies are prayers, or rather sentences, 
from the Koran, which the Mahomedan priests write on 
scraps of paper, and sell to the simple natives, who con- 
sider them to possess very extraordinary virtues. Some 
of the negroes wear them to guard themselves against 
the bite of snakes or alligators ; and on this occasion 
the saphie is commonly inclosed in a snake's or alliga- 
tor's skin, and tied round the ancle. Others have re- 
course to them in time of war, to protect their persons 
against hostile weapons ; but the common use to which 
these amulets are applied, is to prevent or cure bodily 
diseases — to preserve from hunger and thirst — and gene- 
rally to conciliate the favour of superior powers, under 
all the circumstances and occurrences of life.* 

In this case, it is impossible not to admire the wonder- 
ful contagion of superstition ; for, notwithstanding that 
the majority of the negroes are pagans, and absolutely 
reject the doctrines of Mahomet, I did not meet with 
a man, whether a bushreen or kafir, who was not fully 
persuaded of the powerful efficacy of these amulets. 
The truth is, that all the natives of this part of Africa 
consider the art of writing as bordering on magic ; and 
it is not in the doctrines of the prophet, but in the arts 
of the magician, that their confidence is placed. It will 
hereafter be seen that I was myself lucky enough, in 
circumstances of distress, to turn the popular credulity 
in this respect to good account. 

On the 7th I departed from Konjour, and slept at a 
village called Malla (or Mallaing) ; and on the 8th about 
noon I arrived at Kolor, a considerable town — near the 
entrance into which I observed, hanging upon a tree, 
a sort of masquerade habit, made of the bark of trees, 
which I was told, on inquiry, belonged to Mumbo Jumbo. 
This is a strange bugbear, common to all the Mandingo 
towns, and much employed by the pagan natives m 

* I believe that similar charms or amulets, under the names 
of domini, grigri, fetich, &c., in.-., are common in all parts oi 

Africa. 



14 



REACHES BONDOU. 



keeping their women in subjection ; for as the kafirs 
are not restricted in the number of their wives, every 
one marries as many as he can conveniently maintain — 
and as it frequently happens that the ladies disagree 
among themselves, family quarrels sometimes rise to 
such a height, that the authority of the husband can no 
longer preserve peace in his household. In such cases, 
the interposition of Mumbo Jumbo is called in, and is 
always decisive. 

This strange minister of justice (who is supposed to 
be either the husband himself, or some person instructed 
by him), disguised in the dress that has been mentioned, 
and armed with the rod of public authority, announces 
his coming (whenever his services are required) by 
loud and dismal screams in the woods near the town. 
He begins the pantomime at the approach of night ; 
and as soon as it is dark, he enters the town, and pro- 
ceeds to the bentang, at which all the inhabitants imme- 
diately assemble. 

It may easily be supposed that this exhibition is not 
much relished by the women ; for as the person in dis- 
guise is entirely unknown to them, every married female 
suspects that the visit may possibly be intended for her- 
self ; but they dare not refuse to appear when they are 
summoned ; and the ceremony commences with songs 
and dances, which continue till midnight, about which 
time Mumbo fixes on the offender. This unfortunate 
victim being thereupon immediately seized, is stripped 
naked, tied to a post, and severely scourged with Mum- 
bo's rod, amidst the shouts and derision of the whole 
assembly ; and it is remarkable, that the rest of the 
women are the loudest in their exclamations on this oc- 
casion against their unhappy sister. Daylight puts an 
end to this indecent and unmanly revel. 

December 9th. — As there was no water to be pro- 
cured on the road, we travelled with great expedition 
until we reached Tambacunda ; and departing from 
thence early the next morning, the 10th, we reached 
in tbe evening Kooniakary, a town of nearly the same 
magnitude as Kolor. About noon on the 11th we ar- 
rived at Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli, towards 
Bondou, from which it is separated by an intervening 
wilderness of two days' journey. 

The guide appointed by the king of Woolli being now 
to return, I presented him with some amber for his 
trouble : and having been informed that it was not pos- 
sible at all times to pi'ocure water in the wilderness, I 
made inquiry for men who would serve both as guides 
and water-bearers during my journey across it. Three 
negroes, elephant hunters, offered their services for 
these purposes, which I accepted, and paid them three 
bars each in advance ; and the day being far spent, I 
determined to pass the night in my present quarters. 

The inhabitants of Koojar, though not wholly unac- 
customed to the sight of Europeans (most of them hav- 
ing occasionally visited the countries on the Gambia), 
beheld me with a mixture of curiosity and reverence, 
and in the evening invited me to see a neobering, or 
wrestling match, at the bentang. This is an exhibition 
very common in all the Mandingo countries. The spec- 
tators arranged themselves in a circle, leaving the in- 
termediate space for the wrestlers, who were strong 
active young men, full of emulation, and accustomed, I 
suppose, from their infancy to this sort of exertion. Be- 
ing stripped of their clothing, except a short pair of 
drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil, or 
shea butter, the combatants approached each other on 
all-fours, parrying with, and occasionally extending a 
hand for some time, till at length one of them sprang 
forward, and caught his rival by the knee. Great 
dexterity and judgment were now displayed, but the 
contest was decided by superior strength ; and I think 
that few Europeans would have been able to cope with 
the conqueror. It must not be unobserved, that the 
combatants were animated by the music of a drum, by 
which their actions were in some measure regulated. 

The wrestling was succeeded by a dance, in which 
many performers assisted, all of whom were provided 
with little bells, which were fastened to their legs and 
arms ; and here, too, the drum regulated their motions. 



It was beaten with a crooked stick, which the drum- 
mer held in his right hand, occasionally using his left 
to deaden the sound, and thus vary the music. The 
drum is likewise applied on these occasions to keep 
order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of 
certain Mandingo sentences: for example, when the 
wrestling match is about to begin, the drummer strikes 
what is understood to signify all boa see — sit all down ; 
upon which the spectators immediately seat themselves, 
and when the combatants are to begin, he strikes amuta, 
amuta! — take hold, take hold ! 

In the course of the evening I was presented, by 
way of refreshment, with a liquor, which tasted so 
much like the strong beer of my native country (and 
very good beer too), as to induce me to inquire into its 
composition ; and I learnt, with some degree of sur- 
prise, that it was actually made from corn which had 
been previously malted, much in the same manner as 
barley is malted in Great Britain — a root yielding a 
grateful bitter was used in lieu of hops, the name of 
which I have forgot ; but the com which yields the 
wort is the holcus spicatus of botanists. 

Early in the morning (the 12th), I found that one of 
the elephant hunters had absconded with the money he 
had received from me in part of wages ; and in order 
to prevent the other two from following his example, 
I made them instantly fill their calabashes (or gourds) 
with water ; and as the sun rose, I entered the wilder- 
ness that separates the kingdoms of Woolli and Bondou. 

We had not travelled more than a mile before my 
attendants insisted on stopping, that they might pre- 
pare a saphie, or charm, to insure us a safe journey. 
This was done by muttering a few sentences, and spit- 
ting upon a stone, which was thrown before us on the 
road. The same ceremony was repeated three times, 
after which the negroes proceeded with the greatest 
confidence ; every one being firmly persuaded that the 
stone (like the scape-goat) had carried with it every 
thing that could induce superior powers to visit us with 
misfortune. 

We continued our journey without stopping any 
more until noon, when we came to a large tree, called 
by the natives neema taba. It had a very singular ap- 
pearance, being decorated with innumerable rags or 
scraps of cloth, which persons travelling across the 
wilderness had at different times tied to the branches — 
probably at first to inform the traveller that water was 
to be found near it ; but the custom has been so greatly 
sanctioned by time, that nobody now presumes to pass 
without hanging up something. I followed the ex- 
ample, and suspended a handsome piece of cloth on one 
of the boughs ; and being told that either a well, or 
pool of water, was at no great distance, I ordered the 
negroes to unload the asses, that we might give them 
corn, and regale ourselves with the provisions we had 
brought. In the meantime, I sent one of the elephant 
hunters to look for the well, intending, if water was to 
be obtained, to rest here for the night. A pool was 
found, but the water was thick and muddy, and the 
negro discovered near it the remains of a fire recently 
extinguished, and the fragments of provisions, which 
afforded a proof that it had been lately visited, either 
by travellers or banditti. The fears of my attendants 
supposed the> latter ; and believing that robbers lurked 
near us, I was persuaded to change my resolution of 
resting here all night, and proceed to another watering 
place, which I was assured we might reach early in the 
evening. 

We departed accordingly, but it was eight o'clock at 
night before we came to the watering place ; and being 
now sufficiently fatigued with so long a day's journey, 
we kindled a large fire, and lay down, surrounded by 
our cattle, on the bare ground, more than a gunshot 
from any bush — the negroes agreeing to keep watch by 
turns to prevent surprise. 

I know not, indeed, that any danger was justly to be 
dreaded ; but the negroes were unaccountably appre- 
hensive of banditti, during the whole of the journey. 
As soon, therefore, as daylight appeared, we filled our 
soofroos (skins) and calabashes at the pool, and set out 



PROCEEDS FOR FATTECONDA. 



15 



for Tallika, the first town in Bondou, which we reached 
about eleven o'clock in the forenoon (the 13th of De- 
cember). I cannot, however, take leave of Woolli, 
without observing that I was every where well received 
by the natives, and that the fatigues of the day were 
generally alleviated by a hearty welcome at night ; and 
although the African mode of living was at first un- 
pleasant to me, yet I found, at length, that custom 
surmounted trifling inconveniences, and made every 
thing palatable and easy. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Some Account of the Inhabitants of Tallika.— The" Author pro- 
ceeds for Fatteconda— Incidents on the Road.— Crosses the 
Neriko, and arrives at Koorkarany— Reaches the River Faleme^ 
—Fishery on that River— Proceeds along its Bank to Naye or 
Nayemow— Crosses the Faleme, and arrives at Fatteconda.— 
Has an Interview with Almami, the Sovereign of Bondou.— 
Description of the King's Dwelling— Has a second Interview 
with the King, who begs the Author's Coat.— Author visits the 
King's Wives— Is permitted to depart on friendly terms.— 
Journey by Night— Arrives at Joag.— Some Account of Bondou, 
and its Inhabitants the Foulahs. 
Tallika, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, 
is inhabited chiefly by Foulahs of the Mahomedan re- 
ligion, who live in considerable affluence, partly by fur- 
nishing provisions to the coffles, or caravans, that pass 
through the town, and partly by the sale of ivory, ob- 
tained by hunting elephants ; in which employment the 
young men are generally very successful. Here an 
officer belonging to the long of Bondou constantly re- 
sides, whose business it is to give timely information of 
the arrival of the caravans, which are taxed according 
to the number of loaded asses that arrive at Tallika. 

I took up my residence at this officer's house, and 
agreed with him to accompany me to Fatteconda, the 
residence of the king, for which he was to receive five 
bars ; and before my departure I wrote a few lines to 
Dr Laidley, and gave my letter to the master of a cara- 
van bound for the Gambia. This caravan consisted of 
nine or ten people, with five asses loaded with ivory. 
The large teeth are conveyed in nets, two on each side 
of the ass — the small ones are wrapped up in skins, and 
secured with ropes. 

December 14th. — We left Tallika, and rode on very 
peaceably for about two miles, when a violent quarrel 
arose between two of my fellow-travellers, one of whom 
was the blacksmith, in the course of which they be- 
stowed some opprobrious terms upon each other ; and 
it is worthy of remark, that an African will sooner for- 
give a blow than a term of reproach applied to his 
ancestors: " Strike me, but do not curse my mother," 
is a common expression even among the slaves. This 
sort of abuse, therefore, so enraged one of the dispu- 
tants that he drew his cutlass upon the blacksmith, and 
would certainly have ended the dispute in a very seri- 
ous manner, if the others had not laid hold of him, and 
wrested the cutlass from him. I was obliged to inter- 
fere, and put an end to this disagreeable business, by 
desiring the blacksmith to be silent, and telling the 
other, who I thought was in the wrong, that if he at- 
tempted in future to draw his cutlass, or molest any of 
my attendants, I should look upon him as a robber, 
and shoot him without farther ceremony. This threat 
had the desired effect, and we marched sullenly along 
till the afternoon, when we arrived at a number of small 
villages scattered over an open and fertile plain ; at one 
of these, called Ganado, we took up our residence for 
the night : here an exchange of presents and a good sup- 
per terminated all animosities among my attendants — 
and the night was far advanced before any of us thought 
of going to sleep. We were amused by an itinerant 
singing man* who told a number of diverting stories, 
and played some sweet airs by blowing his breath upon 

* These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing 
extempore songs in praise of those who employ them. A fuller 
aocount of them will be given hereafter. 



a bow-string, and striking it at the same time with a 
stick. 

December 15th. — At day-break my fellow-travellers, 
the Serawoollies, took leave of me, with many prayers 
for my safety. About a mile from Ganado, we crossed 
a considerable branch of the Gambia, called Neriko. 
The banks were steep and covered with mimosas ; and 
I observed in the mud a number of large muscles, but 
the natives do not eat them. About noon, the sun being 
exceedingly hot, we rested two hours in the shade of a 
tree, and purchased some milk and pounded corn from 
some Foulah herdsmen, and at sunset reached a town 
called Koorkarany, where the blacksmith had some re- 
lations ; and here we rested two days. 

Koorkarany is a Mahomedan town, surrounded by a 
high wall, and is provided with a mosque. Here I was 
shown a number of Arabic manuscripts, particularly a 
copy of the book before mentioned called AlShara. The 
maraboo, or priest, in whose possession it was, read and 
explained to me in Mandingo many of the most remark- 
able passages ; and in return I showed him Richardson's 
Arabic Grammar, which he very much admired. 

On the evening of the second day (December 17th) 
we departed from Koorkarany. We were joined by a 
young man who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt ; 
and as night set in we reached Dooggi, a small village 
about three miles from Koorkarany. 

Provisions were here so cheap that I purchased a 
bullock for six small stones of amber ; for I found my 
company increase or diminish according to the good 
fare they met with. 

December 18th. — Early in the morning we departed 
from Dooggi, and being joined by a number of Foulahs 
and other people, made a formidable appearance ; and 
were under no apprehension of being plundered in the 
woods. About eleven o'clock, one of the asses proving 
very refractory, the negroes took a curious method to 
make him tractable. They cut a forked stick, and put- 
ting the forked part into the ass's mouth, like the bit of 
a bridle, tied the two smaller parts together above his 
head, leaving the lower part of the stick of sufficient 
length to strike against the ground, if the ass should 
attempt to put his head down. After this, the ass 
walked along quietly and gravely enough, talcing care, 
after some practice, to hold his head sufficiently high 
to prevent the stones or roots of trees from striking 
against the end of the stick, which experience had 
taught him would give a severe shock to his teeth. 
This contrivance produced a ludicrous appearance; 
but my fellow-travellers told me it was constantly 
adopted by the slatees, and always proved effectual. 

In the evening we arrived at a few scattered villages, 
surrounded with extensive cultivation ; at one of which, 
called Buggil, %ve passed the night in a miserable hut, 
having no other bed than a bundle of corn stalks, and 
no provisions but what we brought with us. The wells 
here are dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. 
I measured one of the bucket ropes, and found the 
depth of the well to be twenty-eight fathoms. 

December 19th. — We departed from Buggil, and 
travelled along a dry, stoney height, covered with 
mimosas, till mid-day, when the land sloped towards 
the east, and we descended into a deep valley, in which 
I observed abundance of whinstone, and white quartz. 
Pursuing our course to the eastward, along this valley, 
in the bed of an exhausted river course, we came to a 
large village, where we intended to lodge. We found 
many of the natives, dressed in a thin French gauze, 
which they called byqui; this being a light airy dress, 
and well calculated to display the shape of their per- 
sons, is much esteemed by the ladies. The manners 
of these females, however, did not correspond with their 
dress — for they were rude and troublesome in the 
highest degree ; they surrounded me in numbers, beg- 
ging for amber, beads, &c. ; and were so vehement in 
their solicitations, that I found it impossible to resist 
them. They tore my cloak, cut the buttons from my 
boy's clothes ; and were proceeding to other outrages, 
when I mounted my horse and rode off, followed for 
half a mile by a body of these harpies. 



16 



ARRIVES AT FATTECONDA. 



In the evening we reached Soobrudooka, and as my 
company was numerous (being fourteen), I purchased 
a sheep and abundance of corn for supper ; after which 
we lay down by the bundles, and passed an uncomfort- 
able night in a heavy dew. 

December 20th. — We departed from Soobrudooka, 
and at two o'clock reached a large village situated on 
the banks of the Faleme' river, which is here rapid and 
rocky. The natives were employed in fishing in various 
ways. The large fish were taken in long baskets made 
of split cane, and placed in a strong current, which was 
created by walls of stone built across the stream, cer- 
tain open places being left, through which the water 
rushed with great force. Some of these baskets were 
more than twenty feet long, and when once the fish had 
entered one of them, the force of the stream prevented 
it from returning. The small fish were taken in great 
numbers in hand-nets, which the natives weave of 
cotton, and use with great dexterity. The fish last 
mentioned are about the size of sprats, and are pre- 
pared for sale in different ways ; the most common is 
by pounding them entire as they come from the stream, 
in a wooden mortar, and exposing them to dry in the 
sun, in large lumps like sugar loaves. It may be sup- 
posed that the smell is not very agreeable ; but in the 
Moorish countries to the north of the Senegal, where 
fish is scarcely known, this preparation is esteemed as 
a luxury, and sold to considerable advantage. The 
manner of using it by the natives is, by dissolving a 
piece of this black loaf in boiling water, and mixing it 
with their kouskous. 

I thought it very singular, at this season of the year, 
to find the banks of the Faleme every where covered 
with large and beautiful fields of corn ; but, on exami- 
nation, I found it was not the same species of grain as 
is commonly cultivated on the Gambia — it is called by 
the natives manio, and grows in the dry season, is very 
prolific, and is reaped in the month of January. It is 
the same which, from the depending position of the 
ear, is called by botanical writers holcus cernuus. 

On returning to the village, after an excursion to 
the river side to inspect the fishery, an old Moorish 
shereefT came to bestow his blessing upon me, and beg 
some paper to write saphies upon. This man had seen 
Major Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and told 
me that he died in the country of the Moors. I gave 
him a few sheets of paper, and he levied a similar 
tribute from the blacksmith ; for it is customary for 
young Mussulmen to make presents to the old ones, 
in order to obtain their blessing, which is pronounced 
in Arabic, and received with great humility. 

About three in the afternoon we continued our course 
along the bank of the river to the northward, till eight 
o'clock, when we reached Nayemow ; here the hospi- 
table master of the town received us kindly, and pre- 
sented us with a bullock. In return, I gave him some 
amber and beads. 

December 21st. — In the morning, having agreed for 
a canoe to carry over my bundles, I crossed the river, 
which came up to my knees as I sat on my horse ; but 
the water is so clear, that from the high bank the bot- 
tom is visible all the way over. 

About noon we entered Fatteconda, the capital of 
Bondou, and in a little time received an invitation to 
the house of a respectable slatee : for as there are no 
public houses in Africa, it is customary for strangers 
to stand at the bentang, or some other place of public 
resort, till they are invited to a lodging by some of the 
inhabitants. We accepted the offer ; and in an hour 
afterwards, a person came and told me that he was 
sent on purpose to conduct me to the king, who was 
very desirous of seeing me immediately, if I was not 
too much fatigued. 

I took my interpreter with me, and followed the 
messenger till we got quite out of the town, and crossed 
some corn fields ; when, suspecting some trick, I stop- 
ped, and asked the guide whither he was going. Upon 
which he pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some 
little distance, and told me that the king frequently 
gave audience in that retired manner, in order to avoid 



a crowd of people ; and that nobody but myself and my 
interpreter must approach him. When I advanced} 
the king desired me to come and sit by him lipon the 
mat ; and, after hearing my story, on which he made 
no observation, he asked if I wished to purchase any 
slaves or gold : being answered in the negative, hd 
seemed rather surprised, but desired me to come to him 
in the evening, and he would give me some provisions. 

This monarch was called Almami — a Moorish name, 
though I was told that he was not a Mahomedan, but 
a kafir or pagan. I had heard that he had acted to- 
wards Major Houghton with great unkindness, and 
caused him to be plundered. His behaviour therefore 
towards myself at this interview, though much more 
civil than I expected, was far from freeing me from 
uneasiness. I still apprehended some double dealing ; 
and as I was now entirely in his power, I thought it 
best to smooth the way by a present : accordingly, I 
took with me in the evening one canister of gunpowder, 
some amber, tobacco, and my umbrella ; and as I con- 
sidered that my bundles would inevitably be searched, 
I concealed some few articles in the roof of the hut where 
I lodged, and I put on my new blue coat, in order to 
preserve it. 

All the houses belonging to the king and his family 
are surrounded by a lofty mud wall, which converts 
the whole into a kind of citadel. The interior is sub- 
divided into different courts. At the first place of en- 
trance, I observed a man standing with a musket on 
his shoulder ; and I found the way to the presence very 
intricate, leading through many passages, with senti- 
nels placed at the different doors. When we came to 
the entrance of the court in which the king resides, 
both my guide and interpreter, according to custom, 
took off their sandals ; and the former pronounced the 
king's name aloud, repeating it till he was answered 
from within. We found the monarch sitting upon a 
mat, and two attendants with him. I repeated what I 
had before told him concerning the object of my jour- 
ney, and my reasons for passing through his country. 
He seemed, however, but half satisfied. The notion of 
travelling for curiosity was quite new to him. He 
thought it impossible, he said, that any man in his 
senses would undertake so dangerous a journey, merely 
to look at the country and its inhabitants. However, 
when I offered to show him the contents of my port- 
manteau, and every thing belonging to me, he was 
convinced ; and it was evident that his suspicion had 
arisen from a belief that every white man must of ne- 
cessity be a trader. When I had delivered my presents, 
he seemed well pleased, and was particularly delighted 
with the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and un- 
furled, to the great admiration of himself and his two 
attendants, who could not for some time comprehend 
the use of this wonderful machine. After this I was 
about to take my leave, when the king, desiring me to 
stop a while, began a long preamble in favour of the 
whites, extolling their immense wealth and good dis- 
positions. He next proceeded to an eulogium on my 
blue coat, of which the yellow buttons seemed particu- 
larly to catch his fancy ; and he concluded by entreating 
me to present him with it — assuring me, for my con- 
solation under the loss of it, that he would wear it on 
all public occasions, and inform every one who saw it 
of my great liberality towards him. The request of 
an African prince, in his own dominions, particularly 
when made to a stranger, comes little short of a com- 
mand. It is only a way of obtaining by gentle means, 
what he can, if he pleases, take by force ; and as. it was 
against my interest to offend him by a refusal, I very 
quietly took off my coat, the only good one in my pos- 
session, and laid it at his feet. 

In return for my compliance, he presented me with 
great plenty of provisions, and desired to see me again 
in the morning. I accordingly attended, and found 
him sitting upon Ins bed. He told me he was sick, 
and wished to have a little blood taken from him ; but 
I had no sooner tied up his arm, and displayed the 
lancet, than his courage failed ; and he begged me to 
postpone the operation till the afternoon, as he felt 



DESCRIPTION OF BONDOU. 



17 



himself, he said, much better than he had been, and 
thanked me kindly for my readiness to serve him. He 
then observed, that his women were very desirous to 
see me, and requested that I would favour them with 
a visit. An attendant was ordered to conduct me — 
and I had no sooner entered the court appropriated to 
the ladies, than the whole seraglio surrounded me — 
some begging for physic, some for amber ; and all of 
them desirous of trying that great African specific, 
blood-letting. They were ten or twelve in number, 
most of them young and handsome, and wearing on 
their heads ornaments of gold, and beads of amber. 

They rallied me with a good deal of gaiety on diffe- 
rent subjects ; particularly upon the whiteness of my 
skin, and the prominency of my nose. They insisted 
that both were artificial. The first, they said, was 
produced when I was an infant, by dipping me in milk ; 
and they insisted that my nose had been pinched every 
day, till it had acquired its present unsightly and un- 
natural conformation. On my part, without disputing 
my own deformity, I paid them many compliments on 
African beauty. I praised the glossy jet of their skins, 
and the lovely depression of their noses ; but they said 
that flattery, or (as they emphatically termed it) honey- 
mouth, was not esteemed in Bondou. In return, how- 
ever, for my company or my compliments (to which, 
by the way, they seemed not so insensible as they af- 
fected to be), they presented me with a jar of honey 
and some fish, which were sent to my lodging ; and I 
was desired to come again to the king a little before 
sunset. 

I carried with me some beads and writing paper, it 
being usual to present some small offering on taking 
leave : in return for which, the king gave me five 
drachms of gold ; observing, that it was but a trifle, 
and given out of pure friendship, but would be of use 
to me in travelling, for the purchase of provisions. 
He seconded this act of kindness by one still greater ; 
politely telling me, that though it was customary to 
examine the baggage of every traveller passing through 
his country, yet, in the present instance, he would dis- 
pense with that ceremony ; adding, I was at liberty to 
depart when I pleased. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, Ave left Fat- 
teconda, and about eleven o'clock came to a small vil- 
lage, where we determined to stop for the rest of the 
day. 

In the afternoon my fellow-travellers informed me, 
that as this was the boundary between Bondou and Ka- 
jaaga, and dangerous for travellers, it would be neces- 
sary to continue our journey by night, until we should 
reach a more hospitable part of the country. I agreed 
to the proposal, and hired two people for guides through 
the woods ; and as soon as the people of the village were 
gone to sleep (the moon shining bright), we set out. The 
stillness of the air, the howling of the wild beasts, and 
the deep solitude of the forest, made the scene solemn 
and impressive. Not a word was uttered by any of us 
but in a whisper ; all were attentive, and every one 
anxious to show his sagacity by pointing out to me the 
wolves and hyaenas, as they glided, like shadows, from 
one thicket to another. Towards morning, we arrived 
at a village called Kimmoo, where our guides awakened 
one of their acquaintances, and we stopped to give the 
asses some corn, and roast a few ground nuts for our- 
selves. At day-light we resumed our journey ; and in 
the afternoon arrived at Joag, in the kingdom of Ka- 
jaaga. 

Being now in a country, and among a people, differ- 
ing in many respects from those that have as yet fallen 
under our observation, I shall, before I proceed farther, 
give some account of Bondou (the territory we have 
left), and its inhabitants the Foulahs, the description 
of whom I purposely reserved for this part of my work. 

Bondou is bounded on the east by Bambouk, on the 
south-east and south by Tcnda and the Simbani wil- 
derness, on the south-west by Woolli, on the west by 
Foota Torra, and on the north by Kajaaga. 

The country, like that of Woolli, is very generally 
covered with woods, but the land is more elevated, and, 

I* 



towards the Faleme river, rises into considerable hills. 
In native fertility, the soil is not surpassed, I believe, 
by any part of Africa. 

From the central situation of Bondou, between the 
Gambia and Senegal rivers, it is become a place of 
great resort, both for the slatees — who generally pass 
through it, in going from the coast to the interior 
countries — and for occasional traders, who frequently 
come hither from the inland countries to purchase salt. 

These different branches of commerce are conducted 
principally by Mandingoes and Serawoollies who have 
settled in the country. These merchants likewise carry 
on a considerable trade with Gedumah, and other Moor- 
ish countries, bartering corn and blue cotton cloths 
for salt ; which they again barter in Dentila, and other 
districts, for iron, shea-butter, and small quantities of 
gold-dust. They likewise sell a variety of sweet-smell- 
ing gums, packed up in small bags, containing each 
about a pound. These gums, being thrown on hot 
embers, produce a very pleasant odour, and are used 
by the Mandingoes for perfuming their huts and clothes. 

The customs, or duties on travellers, are very heavy ; 
in almost every town an ass-load pays a bar of European 
merchandise, and at Fatteconda, the residence of the 
king, one Indian baft, or a musket, and six bottles of 
gunpowder, are exacted as the common tribute. By 
means of these duties, the king of Bondou is well sup- 
plied with arms and ammunition — a circumstance winch 
makes him formidable to the neighbouring states. 

The inhabitants differ in their complexions and na- 
tional manners from the Mandingoes and Serawoollies, 
with whom they are frequently at war. Some years 
ago the king of Bondou crossed the Faleme river with 
a numerous army ; and, after a short and bloody cam- 
paign, totally defeated the forces of Samboo, king of 
Bambouk, who was obliged to sue for peace, and sur- 
render to him all the towns along the eastern bank of 
the Faleme. 

The Foulahs in general (as has been observed in a 
former chapter) are of a tawny complexion, with small 
features and soft silky hair ; next to the Mandingoes, 
they are undoubtedly the most considerable of all the 
nations in this part of Africa. Their original country 
is said to be Fooladoo (which signifies the country of 
the Foulahs) ; but they possess at present many other 
kingdoms at a great distance from each other : their 
complexion, however, is not exactly the same in the 
different districts ; in Bondou, and the other kingdoms 
which are situated in fhe vicinity of the Moorish terri- 
tories, they are of a more yellow complexion than in 
the southern states. 

The Foulahs of Bondou are naturally of a mild and 
gentle disposition, but the uncharitable maxims of the 
Koran have made them less hospitable to strangers, 
and more reserved in their behaviour, than the Mandin- 
goes. They evidently consider all the negro natives as 
their inferiors ; and, when talking of different nations, 
always rank themselves among the white people. 

Their government differs from that of the Mandin- 
goes chiefly in this, that they are more immediately 
under the influence of the Mahomedan laws ; for all 
the chief men, the king excepted, and a large majority 
of the inhabitants of Bondou, are Mussulmen, and the 
authority and laws of the Prophet are every where 
looked upon as sacred and decisive. In the exercise of 
their faith, however, they are not very intolerant to- 
wards such of their countrymen as still retain their 
ancient superstitions. Religious persecution is not 
known among them, nor is it necessary; for the system 
of Mahomet is made to extend itself by means abun- 
dantly more efficacious. By establishing small schools 
in the different towns, where many of the pagan as well 
as Mahomedan children are taught to read the Koran, 
and instructed in the tenets of the Prophet, the Maho- 
medan priests fix a bias on the minds, and form the 
character, of their young disciples, which no accidents 
of life can ever afterwards remove or alter. Many of 
these little schools L visited in my progress through the 
country, and observed with pleasure the great docility 
and submissive deportment of the children, and heartily 



18 



ARRIVES AT KAJAAGA. 



wished they had had hetter instructors, and a purer 
religion. 

With the Mahomedan faith is also introduced the 
Arabic language, with which most of the Foulahs have 
a slight acquaintance. Theh: native tongue abounds 
very much in liquids, but there is something unpleasant 
in the manner of pronouncing it. A stranger, on hear- 
ing the common conversation of two Foulahs, would 
imagine that they were scolding each other. Their 
numerals are these : — 

Six, Jego. 

Seven, Jedeeddee. 

Eight, Je Tettee. 



One, Go. 
Two, Deeddee. 
Three, Tettee. 
Four, Nee. 
Five, Jouee. 



Nine, Je Nee. 
Ten, Sappo. 



The industry of the Foulahs, in the occupations of 
pasturage and agriculture, is every where remark- 
able. Even on the banks of the Gambia, the greater 
part of the corn is raised by them, and their herds and 
flocks are more numerous and in better condition 
than those of the Mandingoes ; but in Bondou they are 
opulent in a high degree, and enjoy all the neces- 
saries of life in the greatest profusion. They dis- 
play great skill in the management of their cattle, 
making them extremely gentle by kindness and fami- 
liarity. On the approach of night, they are collected 
from the woods and secured in folds, called korrees, 
which are constructed in the neighbourhood of the 
different villages. In the middle of each korree is 
erected a small hut, wherein one or two of the herds- 
men keep watch during the night, to prevent the cattle 
from being stolen, and to keep up the fires which are 
kindled round the korree to frighten away the wild 
beasts. 

The cattle are milked in the mornings and evenings : 
the milk is excellent ; but the quantity obtained from 
any one cow is by no means so great as in Europe. 
The Foulahs use the milk chiefly as an article of diet, 
and that not until it is quite sour. The cream which 
it affords is very thick, and is converted into butter by 
stirring it violently in a large calabash. This butter, 
when melted over a gentle fire, and freed from impuri- 
ties, is preserved in small earthen pots, and forms a 
part in most of their dishes ; it serves likewise to 
anoint their heads, and is bestowed very liberally on 
their faces and arms. 

But although milk is plentiful, it is somewhat re- 
markable that the Foulahs, and indeed all the inha- 
bitants of this part of Africa, are totally unacquainted 
with the art of making cheese. A firm attachment 
to the customs of their ancestors, makes them view 
with an eye of prejudice every thing that looks like 
innovation. The heat of the climate, and the great 
scarcity of salt, are held forth as unanswerable objec- 
tions ; and the whole process appears to them too long 
and troublesome to be attended with any solid advan- 
tage. 

Besides the cattle, which constitute the chief wealth 
of the Foulahs, they possess some excellent horses, the 
breed of which seems to be a mixture of the Arabian 
with the original African. 



CHAPTER V. 



Account of Kajaaga — Serawoollies — Their Manners and Language. 
—Account of Joag.— The Author is ill-treated, and robbed of 
half of his effects, by order of Batcheri, the King.— Charity of 
a Female Slave.— The Author is visited by Demba Sego, Nephew 
of the King of Kasson, who offers to conduct him in safety to 
that Kingdom.— Offer accepted. — The Author and his Protector, 
with a numerous Retinue, set out and reach Samee, on the 
Banks of the Senegal. — Proceed to Kayee, and, crossing the 
Senegal, arrive in the Kingdom of Kasson. 

The kingdom of Kajaaga, in which I was now arrived, 
is called by the French Gallam ; but the name that I 
have adopted is universally used by the natives. This 
country is bounded on the south-east and south by Bam- 
bouk, on the west by Bondou and Foota-Torra, and on 
the north by the river Senegal. 



The ah' and climate are, I believe, more pure and sa- 
lubrious than at any of the settlements towards the 
coast ; the face of the country is every where interspersed 
with a pleasing variety of hills and vallies ; and the 
windings of the Senegal river, which descends from the 
rocky hills of the interior, make the scenery on its 
banks very picturesque and beautiful. 

The inhabitants are called Serawoollies, or (as the 
French write it) Seracolets. Their complexion is a jet 
black: they are not to be distinguished in this respect 
from the Jaloffs. 

The government is monarchical ; and the regal au- 
thority, from what I experienced of it, seems to be suf- 
ficiently formidable. The people themselves, however, 
complain of no oppression, and seemed all very anxious 
to support the king in a contest he was going to enter 
into with the sovereign of Kasson. The Serawoollies are 
habitually a trading people ; they formerly carried on 
a great commerce with the French in gold and slaves, 
and still maintain some traffic in slaves with the Bri- 
tish factories on the Gambia. They are reckoned to- 
lerably fair and just in their dealings, but are indefa- 
tigable in their exertions to acquire wealth, and they 
derive considerable profits by the sale of salt, and cot- 
ton cloth, in distant countries. When a Serawoolli 
merchant returns home from a trading expedition, the 
neighbours immediately assemble to congratulate him 
upon his arrival. On these occasions the traveller dis- 
plays his wealth and liberality, by making a few pre- 
sents to his friends ; but if he has been unsuccessful, 
hio levee is scon over, and every one looks upon him 
as a man of no understanding, who could perform a 
long journey and (as they express it) " bring back no- 
thing but the hair upon his head." 

Their language abounds much in gutturals, and is not 
so harmonious as that spoken by the Foulahs : it is, how- 
ever, well worth acquiring by those who travel through 
this part of the African continent — it being very gene- 
rally understood in the kingdoms of Kasson, Kaarta, 
Ludamar, and the northern parts of Bambarra. In all 
these countries the Serawoollies are the chief traders. 
Their numerals are : — 



One, Bani. 
Two, Fillo. 
Three, Sicco. 
Four, Narrato. 
Five, Karrago. 
Six, Toomo. 



Seven, Nero. 
Eight, Sego. 
Nine, Kabbo. 
Ten, Tamo. 
Twenty, Tamo di Fillo. 



We arrived at Joag, the frontier town of this king- 
dom, on the 24th of December, and took up our resi- 
dence at the house of the chief man, who is here no 
longer known by the title of alkaid, but is called the 
dootij. He was a rigid Mahomedan, but distinguished for 
his hospitality. This town may be supposed, on a gross 
computation, to contain two thousand inhabitants. It 
is surrounded by a high wall, in which are a number 
of port-holes for musketry to fire through, in case of 
an attack. Every man's possession is likewise sur- 
rounded by a wall — the whole forming so many distinct 
citadels ; and amongst a people unacquainted with the 
use of artillery, these walls answer all the purposes of 
stronger fortifications. To the westward of the town 
is a small riyer, on the banks of which the natives raise 
great plenty of tobacco and onions. 

The same evening Madiboo the bushreen, who had 
accompanied me from Pisania, went to pay a visit to 
his father and mother, who dwelt at a neighbouring 
town, called Dramanet. He was joined by my other 
attendant the blacksmith ; and as soon as it was dark, 
I was invited to see the sports of the inhabitants, it 
being their custom, on the arrival of strangers, to wel- 
come them by diversions of different kinds. I found a 
great crowd surrounding a party who were dancing, 
by the light of some large fires, to the music of four 
drums, which were beat with great exactness and uni- 
formity. The dances, however, consisted more in wanton 
gestures than in muscular exertion or graceful attitudes. 
The ladies vied with each other in displaying the most 
voluptuous movements imaginable. 
December 25th. — About two o'clock in the morning 



DISTRESSING SITUATION— KINDNESS OF A SLAVE. 



19 



a number of horsemen came into the town, and, having 
awakened my landlord, talked to him for some time in 
the Serawoolli tongue ; after which they dismounted, 
and came to the bentang, on which I had made my bed. 
One of them, thinking that I was asleep, attempted to 
steal the musket that lay by me on the mat ; but, find- 
ing that he could not effect his purpose undiscovered, 
he desisted ; and the strangers sat down by me till day- 
light. 

I could now easily perceive, by the countenance 
of my interpreter, Johnson, that something very un- 
pleasant was in agitation. I was likewise surprised 
to see Madiboo and the blacksmith so soon returned. 
On inquiring the reason, Madiboo informed me, that 
as they were dancing at Dramanet, ten horsemen be- 
longing to Batcheri, king of the country, with his second 
son at their head, had arrived there, inquiring if the 
white man had passed ; and on being told that I was 
at Joag, they rode off without stopping. Madiboo ad- 
ded, that on hearing this, he and the blacksmith has- 
tened back to give me notice of their coming. Whilst 
I was listening to this narrative, the ten horsemen 
mentioned by Madiboo arrived ; and, coming to the 
bentang, dismounted and seated themselves with those 
who had come before — the whole being about twenty in 
number, forming a circle round me, and each man 
holding his musket in his hand. I took this oppor- 
tunity to observe to my landlord, that as I did not 
understand the Serawoolli tongue, I hoped, whatever 
the men had to say, they would speak in Mandingo. 
To this they agreed ; and a short man, loaded with a 
remarkable number of saphies, opened the business in 
a very long harangue, informing me that I had entered 
the king's town without having first paid the duties, or 
giving any present to the king, and that, according to 
the laws of the country, my people, cattle, and baggage, 
were forfeited. He added, that they had received orders 
from the king to conduct me to Maana,* the place of 
his residence; and if I refused to come with them, 
their orders were to bring me by force — upon his say- 
ing which, all of them rose up and asked me if I was 
ready. It would have been equally vain and impru- 
dent in me to have resisted or irritated such a body of 
men ; I therefore affected to comply with their com- 
mands, and begged them only to stop a little until I 
had given my horse a feed of corn, and settled matters 
with my landlord. The poor blacksmith, who was a 
native of Kasson, mistook this feigned compliance for 
a real intention, and, taking me away from the company, 
told me, that he had always behaved towards me as if 
I had been his father and master, and he hoped I 
would not entirely ruin him by going to Maana ; add- 
ing, that as there was every reason to believe a war 
would soon take place between Kasson and Kajaaga, 
he should not only lose his little property, the savings 
of four years' industry, but should certainly be de- 
tained and sold as a slave, unless his friends had an 
opportunity of paying two slaves for his redemption. 
I saw this reasoning in its full force, and determined 
to do my utmost to preserve the blacksmith from so 
dreadful a fate. I therefore told the king's son that I 
was ready to go with him, upon condition that the 
blacksmith, who was an inhabitant of a distant king- 
dom, and entirely unconnected with me, should be al- 
lowed to stay at Joag till my return ; to this they all 
objected, and insisted that as we had all acted contrary 
to the laws, we were all equally answerable for our 
conduct. 

I now took my landlord aside, and giving him a small 
present of gunpowder, asked his advice in so critical a 
situation. He was decidedly of opinion that I ought not 
to go to the king : he was fully convinced, he said, that 
if the king should discover any thing valuable in my 
possession, he would not be over scrupulous about the 
means of obtaining it. This made me the more solici- 
tous to conciliate matters with the king's people ; and 
I began by observing, that what I had done did not 
proceed from any want of respect towards the king, 
* Maana is within a short distance of the ruins of Fort St Jo- 
seph, on the Senegal river, formerly a French factory. 



nor from any wish to violate his laws, but wholly from 
my own inexperience and ignorance, being a stranger, 
totally unacquainted with the laws and customs of their 
country : I had indeed entered the king's frontier, 
without knowing that I was to pay the duties before- 
hand, but I was ready to pay them now; which I 
thought was all they could reasonably demand. I 
then tendered them, as a present to the king, the five 
drachms of gold which the king of Bondou had given 
me ; this they accepted, but insisted on examining my 
baggage, which I opposed in vain. The bundles were 
opened ; but the men were much disappointed in not 
finding in them so much gold and amber as they ex- 
pected: they made up the deficiency, however, by tak- 
ing whatever things they fancied ; and after wrangling 
and debating with me till sunset, they departed, having 
first robbed me of half my goods. These proceedings 
dispirited my people, and our fortitude was not strength- 
ened by a very indifferent supper, after a long fast. 
Madiboo begged me to turn back ; Johnson laughed at 
the thought of proceeding without money ; and the 
blacksmith was afraid to be seen, or even to speak, 
lest any one should discover him to be a native of 
Kasson. In this disposition, we passed the night by 
the side of a dim fire, and our situation the next day 
was very perplexing : it was impossible to procure pro- 
visions without money, and I knew that if I produced 
any beads or amber, the king would immediately hear 
of it, and I should probably lose the few effects I had 
concealed. We therefore resolved to combat hunger 
for the day, and wait some favourable opportunity of 
purchasing or begging provisions. 

Towards the evening, as I was sitting upon the ben- 
tang chewing straws, an old female slave, passing by 
with a basket upon her head, asked me if I had got my 
dinner. As I thought she only laughed at me, 1 gave 
her no answer ; but my boy, who was sitting close by, 
answered for me, and told her that the king's people 
had robbed me of all my money. On hearing this, the 
good old woman, with a look of unaffected benevolence, 
immediately took the basket from her head, and show- 
ing me that it contained ground nuts, asked me if I 
could eat them ; being answered in the affirmative, she 
presented me with a few handfuls, and walked away, 
before I had time to thank her for this seasonable sup- 
ply. This trifling circumstance gave me peculiar satis- 
faction. I reflected with pleasure on the conduct of 
this poor untutored slave, who, without examining into 
my character or circumstances, listened implicitly to 
the dictates of her own heart. Experience had taught 
her that hunger was painful, and her own distresses 
made her commiserate those of others. 

The old woman had scarcely left me, when I re- 
ceived information that a nephew of Demba Sego Jalla, 
the Mandingo king of Kasson, was coming to pay me 
a visit. He had been sent on an embassy to Batcheri, 
king of Kajaaga, to endeavour to settle the disputes 
which had arisen between his uncle and the latter; 
but, after debating the matter four days without suc- 
cess, he was now on his return — and hearing that a 
white man was at Joag, on his way to Kasson, curiosity 
brought him to see me. I represented to him my 
situation and distresses, when he frankly offered me 
his protection, and said he would be my guide to Kasson 
(provided I would set out the next morning), and be 
answerable for my safety. I readily and gratefully 
accepted his offer, and was ready, with my attendants, 
by daylight on the morning of the 27th of December. 

My protector, whose name was Demba Sego, pro- 
bably after his uncle, had a numerous retinue. Our 
company, at leaving Joag, consisted of thirty persons 
and six loaded asses ; and we rode on cheerfully enough 
for some hours, without any remarkable occurrence, 
until we came to a species of tree, for which my inter- 
preter, Johnson, had made frequent inquiry. On find- 
ing it, he desired us to stop ; and, producing a white 
chicken, which he had purchased at Joag for the pur- 
pose, he tied it by the leg to one of the branches, and 
then told us Ave might now safely proceed, for that our 
journey would be prosperous. This circumstance is 



20 



ARRIVAL AT TESSEE. 



mentioned merely to illustrate the disposition of the 
negroes, and to show the power of superstition over 
their minds ; for although this man had resided seven 
years in England, it was evident that he still retained 
the prejudices and notions he had imbibed in his youth. 
He meant this ceremony, he told me, as an offering, or 
sacrifice, to the spirits of the woods, who were, he said, 
a powerful race of beings, of a white colour, with long 
flowing hair. I laughed at his folly, but could not 
condemn the piety of his motives. 

At noon we had reached Gungadi, a large town, 
"where we stopped about an hour, until some of the 
'asses that had fallen behind came up. Here I observed 
a number of date trees, and a mosque built of clay, 
with six turrets, on the pinnacles of which were placed 
six ostrich eggs. A little before sunset we arrived at 
the town of Samee, on the banks of the Senegal, which 
is here a beautiful but shallovf river, moving slowly 
over a bed of sand and gravel. The banks are high, 
and covered with verdure — the country is open and 
cultivated — and the rocky hills of Fellow and Bambouk 
add much to the beauty of the landscape. 

December 28th. — We departed from Samee, and ar- 
rived in the afternoon at Kayee, a large village, part of 
which is situated on the north, and part on the south 
side of the river. A little above this place is a consi- 
derable cataract, where the river flows over a ledge of 
whinstone rock with great force : below this the river 
is remarkably black and deep ; and here it was proposed 
to make our cattle swim over. After hallooing, and 
firing some muskets, the people on the Kasson side ob- 
served us, and brought over a canoe to carry our bag- 
gage. I did not, however, think it possible to get the 
cattle down the bank, which is here more than forty 
feet above the water; but the negroes seized the horses, 
and launched them, one at a time, down a sort of trench 
or gully, that was almost perpendicular, and seemed to 
have been worn smooth by this sort of use. After the 
terrified cattle had been plunged in this manner to the 
water's edge, every man got down as well as he could. 
The ferryman then taking hold of the most steady of 
the horses by a rope, led him into the water, and pad- 
dled the canoe a little from the brink ; upon which a 
general attack commenced upon the other horses, who, 
finding themselves pelted and kicked on all sides, 
unanimously plunged into the river, and followed their 
companion. A few boys swam in after them ; and, by 
laving water upon them when they attempted to return, 
urged them onwards ; and we had the satisfaction, in 
about fifteen minutes, to see them all safe on the other 
side. It was a matter of greater difficulty to manage 
the asses ; their natural stubbornness of disposition made 
them endure a great deal of pelting and shoving before 
they would venture into the water ; and when they had 
reached the middle of the stream, four of them turned 
back, in spite of every exertion to get them forwards. 
Two hours were spent in getting the whole of them 
over ; an hour more was employed in transporting the 
baggage ; and it was near sunset before the canoe re- 
turned, when Demba Sego and myself embarked in this 
dangerous passage-boat, which the least motion was 
like to overset. The king's nephew thought this a pro- 
per time to have a peep into a tin box of mine, that 
stood in the fore part of the canoe ; and in stretching 
out his hand for it, he unfortunately destroyed the 
equihbrium, and overset the canoe. Luckily we were 
not far advanced, and got back to the shore without 
much difficulty ; from whence, after wringing the water 
from our clothes, we took a fresh departure, and were 
scon afterwards safely landed in Kasson. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Arrival at Teesee.— Interview with Tiggity Sego, the King's 
Brother— The Author's Detention at Teesee.— Sets cut for Koo- 
niakary, the Capital of the Kingdom.— Arrival there. . 

We no sooner found ourselves safe in Kasson, than 
Demba Sego told me that we were now in his uncle's 



dominions, and he hoped I would consider, being now 
out of danger, the obligation I owed to him, and make 
him a suitable return for the trouble he had taken on 
my account by a handsome present. This, as he knew 
how much had been pilfered from me at Joag, was 
rather an unexpected proposition, and I began to fear 
that I had not much improved my condition by cross- 
ing the water ; but as it would have been folly to com- 
plain, I made no observation upon his conduct, and gave 
him seven bars of amber and some tobacco, with which 
he seemed to be content. 

After a long day's journey, in the course of which I 
observed a number of large loose nodules of white 
granite, we arrived at Teesee on the evening of Decem- 
ber 29th, and were accommodated in Demba Sego's 
hut. The next morning he introduced me to his father, 
Tiggity Sego, brother to the king of Kasson, chief of 
Teesee. The old man viewed me with great earnest- 
ness, having never, he said, beheld but one white man 
before, whom by his description I immediately knew to 
be Major Houghton. I related to him, in answer to 
his inquiries, the motives that induced me to explore 
the country. But he seemed to doubt the truth of 
what I asserted, thinking, I believe, that I secretly 
meditated some project which I was afraid to avow. 
He. told me, it would be necessary I should go to 
Kooniakary, the residence of the king, to pay my 
respects to that prince, but desired me to come to him 
again before I left Teesee. 

In the afternoon one of his slaves eloped ; and a 
gereral alarm being given, every person that had a 
horse rode into the woods, in the hopes of apprehend- 
ing him, and Demba Sego begged the use of my horse 
for the same purpose. I readily consented ; and in 
about an hour they all returned with the slave, who 
was severely flogged, and afterwards put in irons. On 
the day following (December 31st), Demba Sego was 
ordered to go with twenty horsemen to a town in Gedu- 
mah, to adjust some dispute with the Moors, a party of 
whom were supposed to have stolen three horses from 
Teesee. Demba begged a second time the use of my 
horse, adding, that the sight of my bridle and saddle 
would give him consequence among the Moors. This 
request also I readily granted, and he promised to re- 
turn at the end of three days. During his absence I 
amused myself with walking about the town, and con- 
versing with the natives, who attended me every where 
with great kindness and curiosity, and supplied me 
with milk, eggs, and what other provisions I wanted, 
on very easy terms. 

Teesee is a large unwalled town, having no security 
against the attack of an enemy except a sort of citadel, 
in which Tiggity and his family constantly reside. This 
town, according to the report of the natives, was for- 
merly inhabited only by a few Foulah shepherds, who 
lived in considerable affluence by means of the excellent 
meadows in the neighbourhood, in which they reared 
great herds of cattle. But their prosperity attracting 
the envy of some Mandingoes, the latter drove out the 
shepherds, and took possession of their lands. 

The present inhabitants, though they possess both 
cattle and corn in abundance, are not over nice in ar- 
ticles of diet ; rats, moles, squirrels, snakes, locusts, &c. 
are eaten without scruple by the highest and lowest. 
My people were one evening invited to a feast given 
by some of the townsmen, where, after making a hearty 
meal of what they thought fish and kouskous, one of 
them found a piece of hard skin in the dish, and brought 
it along with him, to show me what sort of fish they 
had been eating. On examining the skin, I found they 
had been feasting on a large snake. Another custom 
still more extraordinary, is, that no woman is allowed 
to eat an egg. This prohibition, whether arising from 
ancient superstition, or from the craftiness of some old 
bushreen who loved eggs himself, is rigidly adhered to, 
and nothing will more affront a woman of Teesee than 
to offer her an egg. The custom is the more singular, as 
the men eat eggs without scruple in the presence of 
their wives, and I never observed the same prohibition 
in any other of the Mandingo countries. 



ROBBED ON THE JOURNEY BY TIGG1TY SEGO. 



21 



The third day after his son's departure, Tiggity Sego 
held a palaver on a very extraordinary occasion, which 
I attended ; and the debates on both sides of the ques- 
tion displayed much ingenuity. The case was this : — 
A young man, a kafir, of considerable affluence, who 
had recently married a young and handsome wife, ap- 
plied to a very devout bushreen, or Mussulman priest, 
of his acquaintance, to procure him saphies for his pro- 
tection during the approaching war. The bushreen 
complied with the request ; and in order, as he pre- 
tended, to render the saphies more efficacious, enjoined 
the young man to avoid any nuptial intercourse with 
his bride for the space of six weeks. Severe as the in- 
junction was, the kafir strictly obeyed ; and, without 
telling his wife the real cause, absented himself from 
her company. In the mean time it began to be whis- 
pered at Teesee that the bushreen, who always per- 
formed his evening devotions at the door of the kafir's 
hut, was more intimate with the young wife than he 
ought to be. At first, the good husband was unwilling 
to suspect the honour of his sanctified friend, and one 
whole month elapsed before any jealousy rose in his 
mind ; but hearing the charge repeated, he at last inter- 
rogated his wife on the subject, who frankly confessed 
that the bushreen had seduced her. Hereupon the kafir 
put her into confinement, and called a palaver upon the 
bushreen 's conduct. The fact was clearly proved against 
him ; and he was sentenced to be sold into slavery, or 
to find two slaves for his redemption, according to the 
pleasure of the complainant. The injured husband, 
however, was unwilling to proceed against his friend to 
such extremity, and desired rather to have him pub- 
licly flogged before Tiggity Sego's gate. This was agreed 
to, and the sentence was immediately executed. The 
culprit was tied by the hands to a strong stake ; and a 
long black rod being brought forth, the executioner, 
after flourishing it round his head for some time, ap- 
plied it with such force and dexterity to the bushreen's 
back, as to make him roar until the woods resounded 
with his screams. The surrounding multitude, by their 
hooting and laughing, manifested how much they en- 
joyed the punishment of this old gallant ; and it is 
worthy of remax'k, that the number of stripes was pre- 
cisely the same as are enjoined by the Mosaic law, 
forty, save one. 

As there appeared great probability that Teesee, from 
its being a frontier town, would be much exposed dur- 
ing the war to the predatory excursions of the Moors 
of Gedumah, Tiggity Sego had, before my arrival, sent 
round to the neighbouring villages, to beg or to pur- 
chase as much provisions as would afford subsistence 
to the inhabitants for one whole year, independently of 
the crop on the ground, which the Moors might destroy. 
This project was well received by the country people, 
and they fixed a day on which to bring all the provisions 
they could spare to Teesee ; and as my horse was not 
yet returned, I went, in the afternoon of January 4th, 
1796, to meet the escort with the provisions. 

It was composed of about 400 men, marching in good 
order, with corn and ground nuts in large calabashes 
upon their heads. They wei'e preceded by a strong 
guard of bowmen, and followed by eight musicians or 
singing men. As soon as they approached the town, the 
latter began a song, every verse of which was answered 
by the company, and succeeded by a few strokes on the 
large drums. In this manner they proceeded, amidst 
the acclamations of the populace, till they reached the 
house of Tiggity Sego, where the loads were deposited; 
and in the evening they all assembled under the ben- 
tang tree, and spent the night in dancing and merri- 
ment. Many of these strangers remained at Teesee for 
three days, during which time I was constantly attended 
by as many of them as could conveniently see me ; one 
party giving way to another, as soon as curiosity was 
gratified. 

On the 5th of January, an embassy of ten people be- 
longing to Almami Abdulkader, king of Foota-Torra, a 
country to the west of Bondou, arrived at Teesee; and, 
desiring Tiggity Sego to call an assembly of the inha- 
bitants, announced publicly their king's determination 



to this effect : — " That unless all the people of Kasson 
would embrace the Mahomedan religion, and evince 
their conversion by saying eleven public prayers, he, 
the king of Foota-Torra, could not possibly stand neuter 
in the present contest, but would certainly join his 
arms to those of Kajaaga." A message of this nature, 
from so powerful a prince, could not fail to create 
great alarm; and the inhabitants of Teesee, after a long 
consultation, agreed to conform to his good pleasure, 
humiliating as it was to them. Accordingly, one and 
all publicly offered up eleven prayers, which were con- 
sidered a sufficient testimony of their having renounced 
paganism, and embraced the doctrines of the Prophet. 
It was the 8th of January before Demba Sego re- 
turned with my horse ; and being quite wearied out 
with the delay, I went immediately to inform his father 
that I should set out for Kooniakary early the next 
day. The old man made many frivolous objections ; and 
at length gave me to understand, that I must not think 
of departing without first paying him the same duties 
he was entitled to receive from all travellers ; besides 
which he expected, he said, some acknowledgment for 
his kindness towards me. Accordingly, on the morn- 
ing of the 9th, my friend Demba, with a number of 
people, came to me, and said that they were sent by 
Tiggity Sego for my present, and wished to see what 
goods I had appropriated for that purpose. I knew that 
resistance was hopeless, and complaint unavailing ; and 
being in some measure prepared, by the intimation I 
had received the night before, I quietly offered him 
seven bars of amber, and five of tobacco. After sur- 
veying these articles for some time very coolly, Demba 
laid them down, and told me, that this was not a present 
for a man of Tiggity Sego's consequence, who had it in 
his power to take whatever he pleased from me. He 
added, that if I did not consent to make him a larger 
offering, he would carry all my baggage to his father, 
and let him choose for himself. I had no time for reply ; 
for Demba and his attendants immediately began to 
open my bundles, and spread the different articles upon 
the floor, where they underwent a more strict exami- 
nation than they had done at Joag. Every thing that 
pleased them they took without scruple ; and amongst 
other things, Demba seized the tin box which had so 
much attracted his attention in crossing the river. Upon 
collecting the scattered remains of my little fortune 
after these people had left me, I found that, as at Joag 
I had been plundered of half, so here, without even the 
shadow of accusation, I was deprived of half the re- 
mainder. The blacksmith himself, though a native of 
Kasson, had also been compelled to open his bundles, 
and take an oath that the different articles they con- 
tained were his own exclusive property. There wag, 
however, no remedy — and having been under some ob- 
ligation to Demba Sego for his attention towards me in 
the journey from Joag, I did not reproach him for his 
rapacity, but determined to quit Teesee, at all events, 
the next morning. In the meanwhile, in order to raise 
the drooping spirits of my attendants, I purchased a 
fat sheep, and had it dressed for our dinner. 

Early in the morning of January 10th, therefore, I 
left Teesee, and about mid-day ascended a ridge, from 
whence we had a distant view of the hills round Koonia- 
kary. In the evening we reached a small village, where 
we slept, and, departing from thence the next morning, 
crossed in a few hours a narrow but deep stream called 
Krieko, a branch of the Senegal. About two miles 
farther to the eastward, we passed a large town called 
Madina ; and at two o'clock came in sight of Jumbo, 
the blacksmith's native town, from whence he had been 
absent more than four years. Soon after this, his 
brother, who had by some means been apprised of his 
coming, came out to meet him, accompanied by a sing- 1 
ing man : he brought a horse for the blacksmith, that 
he might enter his native town in a dignified manner ; 
and he desired each of us to put a good charge of 
powder into our guns. The singing man now led the 
way, followed by the two brothers; and we were pre- 
sently joined by a number of people from the town, all 
of whom demonstrated great joy at seeing their old 



22 



ARRIVAL AT KOONIAKARY. 



acquaintance the blacksmith, by the most extravagant 
jumping and singing. On entering the town, the sing- 
ing man began an extempore song in praise of the 
blacksmith, extolling his courage in having overcome 
so many difficulties ; and concluding with a strict in- 
junction to his friends to dress him plenty of victuals. 

When we arrived at the blacksmith's place of resi- 
dence, we dismounted, and fired our muskets. The 
meeting between him and his relations was very ten- 
der ; for these rude children of nature, free from 
restraint, display their emotions in the strongest and 
most expressive manner. Amidst these transports, 
the blacksmith's aged mother was led forth, leaning 
upon a staff. Every one made way for her ; and she 
stretched out her hand to bid her son welcome. Being 
totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with 
great care, and seemed highly delighted that her latter 
days were blessed by his return, and that her ears once 
more heard the music of his voice. From this inter- 
view I was fully convinced, that whatever difference 
there is between the negro and European in the con- 
formation of the nose and the colour of the skin, there 
is none in the genuine sympathies and characteristic 
feelings of our common nature. 

During the tumult of these congratulations, I had 
seated myself apart by the side of one of the huts, 
being unwilling to interrupt the flow of filial and pa- 
rental tenderness ; and the attention of the company 
was so entirely taken up with the blacksmith, that I 
believe none of his friends had observed me. When 
all the people present had seated themselves, the black- 
smith was desired by his father to give them some 
account of his adventures ; and silence being com- 
manded, he began — and, after repeatedly thanking God 
for the success that had attended him, related every 
material occurrence that had happened to him from 
his leaving Kasson to his arrival at the Gambia — his 
employment and success in those parts — and the dan- 
gers he had escaped in returning to his native country. 
In the latter part of his narration, he had frequently 
occasion to mention me ; and after many strong ex- 
pressions concerning my kindness to him, he pointed 
to the place where I sat, and exclaimed, Affille ibi siring! 
(" See him sitting there !") In a moment all eyes were 
turned upon me — I appeared like a being dropped from 
the clouds — every one was surprised that they had not 
observed me before ; and a few women and children 
expressed great uneasiness at being so near a man of 
such an uncommon appearance. By degrees, however, 
their apprehensions subsided ; and when the blacksmith 
assured them that I was perfectly inoffensive, and would 
hurt nobody, some of them ventured so far as to exa- 
mine the texture of my clothes ; but many of them were 
still very suspicious — and when by accident I happened 
to move myself, or look at the young children, their 
mothers would scamper off with them with the greatest 
precipitation. In a few hours, however, they all be- 
came reconciled to me. 

With these worthy people I spent the remainder of 
that, and the whole of the ensuing day, in feasting and 
merriment — and the blacksmith declared he would not 
quit me during my stay at Kooniakary ; for which place 
we set out early on the morning of the 14th of January, 
and arrived about the middle of the day at Soolo, a 
small village three miles to the south of it. 

As this place was somewhat out of the direct road, 
it is necessary to observe, that I went thither to visit 
a slatee, or Gambia trader, of great note and reputa- 
tation, named Salim Daucari. He was well known to 
Dr Laidley, who had trusted him with effects to the 
value of five slaves, and had given me an order for the 
whole of the debt. We luckily found him at home, 
and he received me with great kindness and atten- 
tion. 

It is remarkable, however, that the king of Kasson 
was, by some means, immediately apprised of my mo- 
tions ; for I had been at Soolo but a few hours, before 
Sambo Sego, his second son, came thither with a party 
of horse, to inquire what had prevented me from pro- 
ceeding to Kooniakary, and waiting immediately upon 



the king, who, he said, was impatient to see me. Salim 
Daucari made my apology, and promised to accompany 
me to Kooniakary the same evening. We accordingly 
departed from Soolo at sunset, and in about an hour 
entered Kooniakary. But as the king had gone to sleep, 
we deferred the interview till next morning, and slept 
at the hut of Sambo Sego. 

My interview with the king, and the incidents which 
occurred to me in the kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta, 
will be the subject of the ensuing chapter. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Author admitted to an Audience of the King of Kasson, 
whom he finds well disposed towards him. — Incidents during 
the Author's stay at Kooniakary. — Departs thence for Kemmoo, 
the Capital of Kaarta. — Is received with great kindness by the 
King of Kaarta, who dissuades him from prosecuting his Jour- 
ney, on Account of approaching Hostilities with the King of 
Bambarra. — The Author determines, notwithstanding, to pro- 
ceed ; and the usual Routes being obstructed, takes the Path 
to Ludamar, a Moorish Kingdom. — Is accommodated by the 
King with a Guide to Jarra, the Frontier Town of the Moorish 
Territories ; and sets out for that Place, accompanied by three 
of the King's Sons, and two hundred Horsemen. 

About eight o'clock in the morning of January 15th, 
1796, we went to an audience of the long (Demba Sego 
Jalla) ; but the crowd of people to see me was so great, 
that I could scarcely get admittance. A passage being 
at length obtained, I made my bow to the monarch, 
whom we found sitting upon a mat, in a large hut. He 
appeared to be a man of about sixty years of age : his 
success in war, and the mildness of his behaviour in 
time of peace, had much endeared him to all his sub- 
jects. He surveyed me with great attention ; and when 
Salim Daucari explained to him the object of my jour- 
ney, and my reasons for passing through his country, 
the good old king appeared not only perfectly satisfied, 
but promised me every assistance in his power. He 
informed me that he had seen Major Houghton, and 
presented him with a white horse ; but that, after cross- 
ing the kingdom of Kaarta, he had lost his life among 
the Moors, in what manner he could not inform me. 
When this audience was ended, we returned to our 
lodging, and I made up a small present for the king 
out of the few effects that were left me ; for I had not 
yet received any thing from Salim Daucari. This pre- 
sent, though inconsiderable in itself, was well received 
by tht king, who sent me in return a large white bul- 
lock. The sight of this animal quite delighted my at- 
tendants ; not so much on account of its bulk, as from 
its being of a white colour, which is considered as a 
particular mark of favour. But although the king 
himself was well disposed towards me, and readily 
granted me permission to pass through his territories, 
I soon discovered that very great and unexpected ob- 
stacles were likely to impede my progress. Besides 
the war which was on the point of breaking out between 
Kasson and Kajaaga, I was told that the next kingdom 
of Kaarta, through which my route lay, was involved 
in the issue ; and was furthermore threatened with 
hostilities on the part of Bambarra. The king himself 
informed me of these circumstances, and advised me 
to stay in the neighbourhood of Kooniakary, till such 
time as he could procure proper information respecting 
Bambarra, which he expected to do in the course of 
four or five days, as he had already, he said, sent four 
messengers into Kaarta for that purpose. I readily 
submitted to this proposal, and went to Soolo, to stay 
there till the return of one of those messengers. This 
afforded me a favourable opportunity of receiving what 
money Salim Daucari could spare me on Dr Laidley's 
account. I succeeded in receiving the value of three 
slaves, chiefly in gold dust ; and being anxious to pro- 
ceed as quickly as possible, I begged Daucari to use 
his interest with the king to allow me a guide by the 



TRAVELS OVER THE PLAINS OF KAARTA. 



23 



way of Fooladoo, as I was informed that the war had 
already commenced between the kings of Bambarra 
and Kaarta. Daucari accordingly set out for Koonia- 
kary on the morning of the 20th, and the same evening 
returned with the king's answer, which was to this 
purpose — that the king had, many years ago, made an 
agreement with Daisy, king of Kaarta, to send all 
merchants and travellers through his dominions ; but 
that if I wished to take the route through Fooladoo, I 
had his permission so to do ; though he could not, con- 
sistently with his agreement, lend me a guide. Having 
felt the want of regal protection in a former part of 
my journey, I was unwilling to hazard a repetition of 
the hardships I had then experienced, especially as the 
money I had. received was probably -the last supply that 
I should obtain ; I therefore determined to wait for the 
return of the messengers from Kaarta. 

In the interim, it began to be whispered abroad that 
I had received plenty of gold from Saiim Daucarh and 
on the morning of the 23d Sambo Sego paid me a visit, 
with a party of horsemen. He insisted upon knowing 
the exact amount of the money I had obtained, declar- 
ing, that whatever the sum was, one-half of it must go 
to'the king ; besides which, he intimated that he expected 
a handsome present for himself, as being the king's son, 
and for his attendants, as being the king's relations. 
The reader will easily perceive, that if all these demands 
had been satisfied, I should not have been overburdened 
with money ; but though it was very mortifying to me 
to comply with the demands of injustice, and so arbitrary 
an exaction, yet, thinking that it was highly dangerous 
to make a foolish resistance, and irritate the lion when 
within the reach of his paw, I prepared to submit ; and 
if Salim Daucari had not interposed, all my endeavours 
to mitigate this oppressive claim would have been of no 
avail. Salim at last prevailed upon Sambo to accept 
sixteen bars of European merchandise, and some powder 
and ball, as a complete payment of every demand that 
could be made upon me in the kingdom of Kasson. 

January 26th. — In the forenoon, I went to the top of 
a high hill to the southward of Soolo, where I had a 
most enchanting prospect of the country. The number 
of towns and villages, and the extensive cultivation 
around them, surpassed every thing I had yet seen in 
Africa. A gross calculation may be formed of the num- 
ber of inhabitants in this delightful plain, by consider- 
ing that the king of Kasson can raise four thousand 
fighting men by the sound of his war drum. In travers- 
ing the rocky eminences of this hill, which are almost 
destitute of vegetation, I observed a number of large 
holes in the crevices and fissures of the rocks, where 
the wolves and hytenas take refuge during the day. 
Some of these animals paid us a visit on the evening of 
the 27th ; their approach was discovered by the dogs of 
the village ; and on this occasion it is remarkable that 
the dogs did not bark, but howl in the most dismal 
manner. The inhabitants of the village no sooner heard 
them, than, knowing the cause, they armed themselves ; 
and, providing bunches of dry grass, went in a body 
to the inclosure in the middle of the village where the 
cattle were kept. Here they lighted the bunches of 
grass, and, waving them to and fro, ran hooping and 
hallooing towards the hills. This manoeuvre had the 
desired effect of frightening the wolves away from the 
village ; but, on examination, we found that they had 
killed five of the cattle, and torn and wounded many 
others. 

February 1st. — The messengers arrived from Kaarta, 
and brought intelligence that the war had not yet com- 
menced between Bambarra and Kaarta, and that I 
might probably pass through Kaarta before the Bam- 
barra army invaded that country. 

February 3d. — Early in the morning, two guides on 
horseback came from Kooniakary to conduct me to the 
frontiers of Kaarta. I accordingly took leave of Salim 
Daucari, and parted for the last time from my fellow- 
traveller the blacksmith, whose kind solicitude for my 
welfare had been so conspicuous, and about ten o'clock 
departed from Soolo. We travelled this day through 
a rocky and hilly country, along the banks of the river 



Krieko ; and at sunset came to the village of Soomo, 
where we slept. 

February 4th. — We departed from Soomo, and con- 
tinued our route along the banks of the Krieko, which 
are every where well cultivated, and swarm with inha- 
bitants. At this time they were increased by the number 
of people that had flown thither from Kaarta, on account 
of the Bambarra war. In the afternoon we reached 
Kimo, a large village, the residence of Madi Konko, 
governor of the hilly country of Kasson, which is called 
Sorroma. From hence the guides appointed by the 
king of Kasson returned, to join in the expedition against 
Kajaaga ; and I waited until the 6th, before I could 
prevail on Madi Konko to appoint me a guide to Kaarta. 

February 7th. — Departing from Kimo, with Madi 
Konko's son as a guide, we continued our course along 
the banks of the Krieko until the afternoon, when we 
arrived at Kangee, a considerable town. The Krieko 
is here but a small rivulet ; this beautiful stream takes 
its rise a little to the eastward of this town, and descends 
with a rapid and noisy current, until it reaches the 
bottom of the high hill called Tappa, where it becomes 
more placid, and winds gently through the lovely plains 
of Kooniakary ; after which, having received an addi- 
tional branch from the north, it is lost in the Senegal, 
somewhere near the falls of Felow. 

February 8th. — This day we travelled over a rough 
stony country ; and having passed Seimpo and a number 
of other villages, arrived in the afternoon at Lackarago, 
a small village which stands upon the ridge of hills that 
separates the kingdoms of Kasson and Kaarta. In the 
course of the day, we passed many hundreds of people 
flying from Kaarta with their families and effects. 

February 9th. — Early in the morning, we departed 
from Lackarago, and a little to the eastward came to 
the brow of a hill, from whence we had an extensive 
view of the country. Towards the south-east were per- 
ceived some very distant hills, which our guide told us 
were the mountains of Fooladoo. We travelled with 
great difficulty down a stony and abrupt precipice, and 
continued our way in the bed of a dry river course, 
where the trees, meeting over head, made the place 
dark and cool. In a little time we reached the bottom 
of this romantic glen, and about ten o'clock emerged 
from between two rocky hills, and found ourselves on 
the level and sandy plains of Kaarta. At noon we ar- 
rived at a Jcorree, or watering place, where, for a few 
strings of beads, I purchased as much milk and corn- 
meal as we could eat ; indeed, provisions are here so 
cheap, and the shepherds live in such affluence, that 
they seldom ask any return for what refreshments a 
traveller receives from them. From this korree, we 
reached Feesurah at sunset, where we took up our 
lodging for the night. 

February 10th. — We continued at Feesurah all this 
day, to have a few clothes washed, and learn more ex- 
actly the situation of affairs before we ventured towards 
the capital. 

February 11th. — Our landlord, taking advantage of 
the unsettled state of the country, demanded so extra- 
vagant a sum for our lodging, that, suspecting he wished 
for an opportunity to quarrel with us, I refused to sub- 
mit to his exorbitant demand ; but my attendants were 
so much frightened at the reports of approaching war, 
that they refused to proceed any farther, unless I could 
settle matters with him, and induce him to accompany 
us to Kemmoo, for our protection on the road. This I 
accomplished with some difficulty ; and by a present of 
a blanket which I had brought with me to sleep in, and 
for which our landlord had conceived a very great lik- 
ing, matters were at length amicably adjusted, and he 
mounted his horse and led the way. He was one of 
those negroes who, together with the ceremonial part 
of the Mahomedan religion, retain all their ancient su- 
perstitions, and even drink strong liquors. They are 
called Johars, or Jowars, and in this kingdom form a 
very numerous and powerful tribe. We had no sooner 
got into a dark and lonely part of the first wood, than he 
made a sign for us to stop, and, taking hold of a hollow 
piece of bamboo, that hung as an amulet round his neck, 



24 



VISITS THE KING AT KEMMOO. 



whistled very loud three times. I confess I was some- 
what startled, thinking it was a signal for some of his 
companions to come and attack us ; but he assured me 
that it was done merely with a view to ascertain what 
success we were likely to meet with on our present 
journey. He then dismounted, laid his spear across 
the road, and having said a number of short prayers, 
concluded with three loud whistles ; after which he 
listened for some time, as if in expectation of an answer, 
and receiving none, told us we might proceed without 
fear, for there was no danger. About noon we passed 
a number of large villages quite deserted, the inhabi- 
tants having fled into Kasson to avoid the horrors of 
war. We reached Karankalla at sunset : this formerly 
was a large town, but having been plundered by the 
Bambarrans about four years ago, nearly one half of it 
is still in ruins. 

February 12th. — At daylight we departed from Ka- 
rankalla, and as it was but a short day's journey to 
Kemmoo, we travelled slower than usual, and amused 
ourselves by collecting such eatable fruits as grew near 
the road-side. In this pursuit I had wandered a little 
from my people ; and being uncertain whether they 
were before or behind me, I hastened to a rising ground 
to look about me. As I was proceeding towards this 
eminence, two negro horsemen, armed with muskets, 
came galloping from among the bushes : on seeing them 
I made a full stop ; the horsemen did the same, and all 
three of us seemed equally surprised and confounded at 
this interview. As I approached them, their fears in- 
creased, and one of them, after casting upon me a look 
of horror, rode off at full speed ; the other, in a panic 
of fear, put his hand over his eyes, and continued mut- 
tering prayers until his horse, seemingly without the 
rider's knowledge, conveyed him slowly after his com- 
panion. About a mile to the westward, they fell in 
with my attendants, to whom they related a frightful 
story : it seems their fears had dressed me in the flow- 
ing robes of a tremendous spirit, and one of them af- 
firmed, that when I made my appearance, a cold blast 
of wind came pouring down upon him from the sky, 
like so much cold water. About noon we saw at a dis- 
tance the capital of Kaarta, situated in the middle of 
an open plain — the country for two miles round being 
cleared of wood, by the great consumption of that 
article for building and fuel — and we entered the town 
about two o'clock in the afternoon. 

We proceeded, without stopping, to the court before 
the king's residence : but I was so completely surrounded 
by the gazing multitude, that I did not attempt to dis- 
mount, but sent in the landlord and Madi Konko's son, 
to acquaint the king of my arrival. In a little time 
they returned, accompanied by a messenger from the 
king, signifying that he would see me in the evening ; 
and in the meantime, the messenger had orders to pro- 
cure me a lodging, and see that the crowd did not 
molest me. He conducted me into a court, at the door 
of which he stationed a man, with a stick in his hand to 
keep off the mob, and then showed me a large hut in 
which I was to lodge. I had scarcely seated myself in 
this spacious apartment, when the mob entered ; it was 
found impossible to keep them out, and I was sur- 
rounded by as many as the hut could contain. When 
the first party, however, had seen me, and asked a few 
questions, they retired to make room for another com- 
pany; and in this manner the hut was filled and emptied 
thirteen different times. 

A little before sunset, the king sent to inform me 
that he was at leisure, and wished to see me. I fol- 
lowed the messenger through a number of courts sur- 
rounded with high walls, where I observed plenty of 
dry grass bundled up like hay, to fodder the horses, in 
case the town should be invested. On entering the 
court in which the king was sitting, I was astonished at 
the number of his attendants, and at the good order that 
seemed to prevail among them : they were all seated — 
the fighting men on the king's right hand, and the women 
and children on the left, leaving a space between them 
for my passage. The king, whose name was Daisy 
Koorabarri, was not to be distinguished from his sub- 



jects by any superiority in point of dress ; a bank of 
earth, about two feet high, upon which was spread a 
leopard's skin, constituted the only mark of royal dig- 
nity. When I had seated myself upon the ground before 
him, and related the various circumstances that had 
induced me to pass through his country, and my reasons 
for soliciting his protection, he appeared perfectly satis- 
fied ; but said it was not in his power at present to 
afford me much assistance, for that all sort of commu- 
nication between Kaarta and Bambarra had been inter- 
rupted for some time past ; and as Mansong, the king 
of Bambarra, with his army, had entered Fooladoo in 
his way to Kaarta, there was but little hope of my 
reaching Bambarra by any of the usual routes, inas- 
much as, coming from an enemy's country, I should 
certainly be plundered, or taken for a spy. If his 
country had been at peace, he said, I might have re- 
mained with him until a more favourable opportunity 
offered ; but, as matters stood at present, he did not 
wish me to continue in Kaarta, for fear some accident 
should befal me, in which case my countrymen might 
say that he had murdered a white man. He would 
therefore advise me to return into Kasson, and remain 
there until the war should terminate, which would pro- 
bably happen in the course of three or four months, 
after which, if he was alive, he said, he would be glad 
to see me, and if he was dead, his sons would take care 
of me. 

This advice was certainly well meant on the part of 
the king, and perhaps I was to blame in not following 
it ; but I reflected that the hot months were approach- 
ing, and I dreaded the thoughts of spending the rainy 
season in the interior of Africa. These considerations, 
and the aversion I felt at the idea of returning without 
having made a greater progress in discovery, made me 
determine to go forwards ; and though the king could 
not give me a guide to Bambarra, I begged that he 
would allow a man to accompany me as near the fron- 
tiers of his kingdom as was consistent with safety. 
Finding that I was determined to proceed, the king 
told me that one route still remained, but that, he said, 
was by no means free from danger — which was to go 
from Kaarta into the Moorish kingdom of Ludamar, 
from whence I might pass, by a circuitous route, into 
Bambarra. If I wished to follow this route, he would 
appoint people to conduct me to Jarra, the frontier 
town of Ludamar. He then inquired very particularly 
how I had been treated since I had left the Gambia, 
and asked, in a jocular way, how many slaves I ex- 
pected to carry home with me on my return. He was 
about to proceed, when a man mounted on a fine Moor- 
ish horse, which was covered with sweat and foam, 
entered the court, and signifying that he had something 
of importance to communicate, the king immediately 
took up his sandals, which is the signal to strangers to 
retire. I accordingly took leave, but desired my boy 
to stay about the place, in order to learn something of 
the intelligence that this messenger had brought. In 
about an hour the boy returned, and informed me that 
the Bambarra army had left Fooladoo, and was on its 
march towards Kaarta ; that the man I had seen, who 
had brought this intelligence, was one of the scouts, or 
watchmen, employed by the king, each of whom has his 
particular station (commonly on some rising ground), 
from whence he has the best view of the country, and 
watches the motions of the enemy. 

In the evening the king sent me a fine sheep, which 
was very acceptable, as none of us had tasted victuals 
during the day. Whilst we were employed in dressing 
supper, evening prayers were announced — not by the 
call of the priest, as usual, but by beating on drums, 
and blowing through large elephants' teeth, hollowed 
out in such a manner as to resemble bugle horns. The 
sound is melodious, and, in my opinion, comes nearer 
to the human voice than any other artificial sound. 
As the main body of Daisy's army was, at this juncture, 
at Kemmoo, the mosques were very much crowded ; 
and I observed, that the disciples of Mahomet com- 
posed nearly one-half of the army of Kaarta. 

February 13th. — At daylight I sent my horse-pistols 



JOURNEY FROM KEMMOO TO FUNINGKEDY. 



25 



and holsters as a preterit to the king, and being very 
desirous to get away from a place which was likely soon 
to become the seat of war, I begged the messenger to 
inform the king that I wished to depart from Kemmco 
as soon as he should find it convenient to appoint me a 
guide. In about an hour the king sent his messenger 
to thank me for the present, and eight horsemen to 
conduct me to Jarra. They told me that the king 
wished me to proceed to Jarra with all possible expe- 
dition, that they might return before any thing decisive 
should happen between the armies of Bambarra and 
Kaarta. We accordingly departed forthwith from Kem- 
moo, accompanied by three of Daisy's sons, and about 
two hundred horsemen, who kindly undertook to see 
me a little way on my journey. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Journey from Kemmoo to Funingkedy. — Some Account of the 
Lotus. — A Youth Murdered by the Moors — Interesting Scene 
at his Death.— Author passes through Simbing.— Some Parti- 
culars concerning Major Houghton. — Author reaches, Jarra — 
Situation of the surrounding States at the period of his Arrival 
there, and a brief Account of the War between Kaarta and 
Bambarra. 

On the evening of the day of our departure from Kem- 
moo (the king's eldest son and great part of the horse- 
men having returned), we reached a village called 
Marina, where we slept. During the night some thieves 
broke into the hut where I had deposited my baggage, 
and having cut open one of my bundles, stole a quan- 
tity of beads, part of my clothes, and some amber and 
gold, which happened to be in one of the pockets. I 
complained to my protectors, but without effect. The 
next day (February 14th) was far advanced before we 
departed from Marina, and we travelled slowly, on ac- 
count of the excessive heat, until four o'clock in the 
afternoon, when two negroes were observed sitting 
among some thorny bushes, at a little distance from 
the road. The king's people, taking it for granted that 
they were runaway slaves, cocked their muskets, and 
rode at full speed in different directions through the 
bushes, in order to surround them, and prevent their 
escaping. The negroes, however, waited with great 
composure until we came within bowshot of them, 
when each of them took from his quiver a handful of 
arrows, and putting two between his teeth and one in 
his bow, waved to us with his hand to keep at a dis- 
tance, upon which one of the king's people called out to 
the strangers to give some account of themselves. They 
said that " they were natives of Toorda, a neighbour- 
ing village, and had come to that place to gather tom- 
berongs" These are small farinaceous berries, of a 
yellow colour and delicious taste, which I knew to be 
the fruit of the rhamnus lotus of Linnaeus. The negroes 
showed us two large baskets full, which they had col- 
lected in the course of the day. These berries are 
much esteemed by the natives, who convert them into 
a sort of bread, by exposing them for some days to the 
sun, and afterwards pounding them gently in a wooden 
mortar, until the farinaceous part of the berry is sepa- 
rated from the stone. This meal is then mixed with a 
little water, and formed into cakes, which, when dried 
in the sun, resemble in colour and flavour the sweetest 
gingerbread. The stones are afterwards put into a 
vessel of water, and shaken about so as to separate the 
meal which may still adhere to them : this communi- 
cates a sweet and agreeable taste to the water", and, with 
the addition of a little pounded millet, forms a pleasant 
gruel called fondi, which is the common breakfast in 
many parts of Ludamar, during the months of February 
and March. The fruit is collected by spreading a cloth 
upon the ground, and beating the branches with a 
stick. 

The lotus is very common in all the kingdoms which 
I visited ; but is found in the greatest plenty on the 
sandy soil of Kaarta, Ludamar, and the northern parts 



of Bambarra, where it is one of the most common 
shrubs of the country. I had observed the same species 
at Gambia. 

As this shrub is found in Tunis, and also in the negro 
kingdoms, and as it furnishes the natives of the latter 
with a food resembling bread, and also with a sweet 
liquor, which is much relished by them, there can be 
little doubt of its being the lotus mentioned by Pliny 
as the food of the Lybian Lotophagi. An army may 
very well have been fed with the bread I have tasted, 
made of the meal of the fruit, as is said by Pliny to 
have been done in Lybia ; and as the taste of the bread 
is sweet and agreeable, it is not likely that the soldiers 
would complain of it. 

We arrived in the evening at the village of Toorda ; 
when all the rest of the king's people turned back ex- 
cept two, who remained with me as guides to Jarra. 

February 15th. — I departed from Toorda, and about 
two o'clock came to a considerable town, called Funing- 
kedy. As we approached the town, the inhabitants were 
much alarmed ; for, as one of my guides wore a turban, 
they mistook us for some Moorish banditti. This misap- 
prehension was soon cleared up, and we were well re- 
ceived by a Gambia slatee, who resides at this town, 
and at whose house we lodged. 

February 16th. — We were informed that a number 
of people would go from this town to Jarra on the day 
following ; and as the road was much infested by the 
Moors, we resolved to stay and accompany the travel- 
lers. In the meantime we were told, that a few days 
before our arrival, most of the bushreens and people 
of property in Funingkedy had gone to Jarra, to con- 
sult about removing their families and effects to that 
town, for fear of the approaching war ; and that the 
Moors, in their absence, had stolen some of their cattle. 

About two o'clock, as I was lying asleep upon a bul- 
lock's hide behind the door of the hut, I was awakened 
by the screams of women, and a general clamour and 
confusion among the inhabitants. At first I suspected 
that the Bambarrans had actually entered the town ; 
but, observing my boy upon the top of one of the huts, 
I called to him to know what was the matter. He in- 
formed me that the Moors were come a second time to 
steal the cattle, and that they were now close to the 
town. I mounted the roof of the hut, and observed a 
large herd of bullocks coming towards the town, fol- 
lowed by five Moors on horseback, who drove the cattle 
forward with their muskets. When they had reached 
the wells, which are close to the town, the Moors se- 
lected from the herd sixteen of the finest beasts, and 
drove them off at full gallop. During this transaction, 
the townspeople, to the number of five hundred, stood 
collected close to the walls of the town ; and when the 
Moors drove the cattle away, though they passed within 
pistol-shot of them, the inhabitants scarcely made a 
show of resistance. I only saw four muskets fired, 
which, being loaded with gunpowder of the negroes' 
own manufacture, did no execution. Shortly after this 
I observed a number of people supporting a young man 
upon horseback, and conducting him slowly towards the 
town. This was one of the herdsmen, who, attempting 
to throw his spear, had been wounded by a shot from 
one of the Moors. His mother walked on before, quite 
frantic with grief, clapping her hands, and enumerat- 
ing the good qualities of her son. Ee maffo fonio ! (" He 
never told a lie !") said the disconsolate mother, as her 
wounded son was carried in at the gate — Ee maffo fonio 
abada ! (" He never told a lie ; no, never !".) When they 
had conveyed him to his hut, and laid him upon a mat, 
all the spectators joined in lamenting his fate, by 
screaming and howling in the most piteous manner. 

After their grief had subsided a little, I was desired 
to examine the wound. I found that the ball had passed 
quite through his leg, having fractured both bones a 
little below the knee : the poor boy was faint from the 
loss of blood, and his situation withal so very precarious, 
that I could not console his relations with any great 
hopes of his recovery. However, to give him a possible 
chance, I observed to them that it was necessary to cut 
off his leg above the knee : this proposal made every 



26 



ENTERS LUDAMAR— PROCEEDS TO JARRA. 



one start with horror ; they had never heard of such a 
method of cure, and would by no means give their con- 
sent to it ; indeed, they evidently considered me as a 
sort of cannibal for proposing so cruel and unheard-of 
an operation, which, in their opinion, would be attended 
with more pain and danger than the wound itself. The 
patient was therefore committed to the care of some 
old bushreens, who endeavoured to secure him a pas- 
sage into paradise, by whispering in his ear some Arabic 
sentences, and desiring him to repeat them. After 
many unsuccessful attempts, the poor heathen at last 
pronounced, La illah el allah, Mohamet rasowl allahi ; 
(" There is but one God, and Mahomet is his Prophet") 
and the disciples of the Prophet assured his mother 
that her son had given sufficient evidence of his faith, 
and would be happy in a future state. He died the 
same evening. 

February 17th. — My guides informed me, that in 
order to avoid the Moorish banditti, it was necessary 
to travel in the night ; we accordingly departed from 
Funingkedy in the afternoon, accompanied by about 
thirty people, carrying their effects with them into 
Ludamar, for fear of the war. We travelled with 
great silence and expedition until midnight, when we 
stopped in a sort of inclosure, near a small village ; 
but the thermometer being so low as 68 degrees, none 
of the negroes could sleep on account of the cold. 

At daybreak on the 18th, we resumed our journey, 
and at eight o'clock passed Simbing, the frontier village 
of Ludamar, situated in a narrow pass betAveen two 
rocky hills, and surrounded with a high wall. From 
this village Major Houghton (being deserted by his 
negro servants, who refused to follow him into the 
Moorish country) wrote his last letter with a pencil to 
Dr Laidley. This brave but unfortunate man, having 
surmounted many difficulties, had taken a northerly 
direction, and endeavoured to pass through the kingdom 
of Ludamar, where I afterwards learned the following 
particulars concerning his melancholy fate :— On his ar- 
rival at Jarra, he got acquainted with certain Moorish 
merchants who were travelling to Tisheet (a place near 
the salt pits in the Great Desert, ten days' journey to 
the northward) to purchase salt; and the Major, at 
the expense of a musket and some tobacco, engaged 
them to convey him thither. It is impossible to form 
any other opinion on this determination, than that the 
Moors intentionally deceived him, either with regard 
to the route that he wished to pursue, or the state of 
the intermediate country between Jarra and Tombuc- 
too. Their intention probably was to rob and leave 
him in the desert. At the end of two days he suspected 
their treachery, and insisted on returning to Jarra. 
Finding him persist in this determination, the Moors 
robbed him of every thing he possessed, and went off 
with their camels ; the poor Major being thus deserted, 
returned on foot to a watering-place in possession of 
the Moors, called Tarra. He had been some days 
without food, and the unfeeling Moors refusing to give 
him any, he sank at last under his distresses. Whether 
he actually perished of hunger, or was murdered out- 
right by the savage Mahomedans, is not certainly 
known ; his body was dragged into the woods — and I 
was shown at a distance the spot where his remains 
were left to perish. 

About four miles to the north of Simbing, we came 
to a small stream of water, where we observed a num- 
ber of wild horses : they were all of one colour, and 
galloped away from us at an easy rate, frequently 
stopping and looking back. The negroes hunt them 
for food, and their flesh is much esteemed. 

About noon we arrived at Jarra, a large town situ- 
ated at the bottom of some rocky hills. But before I 
proceed to describe the place itself, and relate the 
various occurrences which befel me there, it will not 
be improper to give my readers a brief recital of the 
origin of the war which induced me to take this route — 
an unfortunate determination, the immediate cause of 
all the misfortunes and calamities which afterwards be- 
fel me. The recital which I propose to give in this 
place, will prevent interruptions hereafter. 



This war which desolated Kaarta, soon after I had 
left that kingdom, and spread terror into many of the 
neighbouring states, arose in the following manner : — 
A few bullocks belonging to a frontier village of Bam- 
barra having been stolen by a party of Moors, were 
sold to the dooty, or chief man, of a town in Kaarta. 
The villagers claimed their cattle, and being refused 
satisfaction, complained of the dooty to their sovereign, 
Mansong, king of Bambarra, who probably beheld with 
an eye of jealousy the growing prosperity of Kaarta, 
and availed himself of this incident to declare hostilities 
against that kingdom. 

With this view he sent a messenger and a party of 
horsemen to Daisy, king of Kaarta, to inform him that 
the king of Bambarra, with nine thousand men, would 
visit Kemmoo in the course of the dry season, and to 
desire that he (Daisy) would direct his slaves to sweep 
the houses, and have every thing ready for their ac- 
commodation. The messenger concluded this insulting 
notification by presenting the king with a pair of iron 
sandals, at the same time adding, that "until such time 
as Daisy had worn out these sandals in his flight, he 
should never be secure from the arrows of Bambax*ra." 

Daisy, having consulted with his chief men about the 
best means of repelling so formidable an enemy, re- 
turned an answer of defiance ; and made a bushreen 
write in Arabic, upon a piece of thin board, a sort of 
proclamation, which was suspended to a tree in the 
public square, and a number of aged men were sent to 
different places to explain it to the common people. 
Th ; s proclamation called upon all the friends of Daisy 
to join him immediately, but to such as had no arms, 
or were afraid to enter into the war, permission was 
given to retire into any of the neighbouring kingdoms ; 
and it was added, that provided they observed a strict 
neutrality, they should always be welcome to return to 
their former habitations: if, however, they took any 
active part against Kaarta, they had then " broken the 
key of their huts, and could never afterwards enter the 
door." Such was the expression. 

This proclamation was very generally applauded ; 
but many of the Kaartans, and amongst others the 
powerful tribes of Jower and Kakaroo, availing them- 
selves of the indulgent clause, retired from Daisy's 
dominions, and took refuge in Ludamar and Kasson. 
By means of these desertions, Daisy's army was not so 
numerous as might have been expected ; and when I 
was at Kemmoo, the whole number of effective men, 
according to report, did not exceed four thousand ; but 
they were men of spirit and enterprise, and could be 
depended on. 

On the 22d of February (four days after my arrival 
at Jarra), Mansong, with his army, advanced towards 
Kemmoo, and Daisy, without hazarding a battle, retired 
to Joko, a town to the north-west of Kemmoo, where 
he remained three days, and then took refuge in a 
strong town called Gedingooma, situated in the hilly 
country, and surrounded with high walls of stone. 
When Daisy departed from Joko, his sons refused to 
follow him, alleging that "the singing men would pub- 
lish their disgrace, as soon as it should be known that 
Daisy and his family had fled from Joko without firing 
a gun." They were therefore left behind, with a num- 
ber of horsemen, to defend Joko ; but, after many 
skirmishes, they were totally defeated, and one of 
Daisy's sons taken prisoner. The remainder fled to 
Gedingooma, which Daisy had stored with provisions, 
and where he determined to make his final stand. 

Mansong, finding that Daisy was determined to avoid 
a pitched battle, placed a strong force at Joko to watch 
his motions, and, separating the remainder of his army 
into small detachments, ordered them to overrun the 
country, and seize upon the inhabitants before they 
had time to escape. These orders were executed with 
such prompitude, that in a few days the whole kingdom 
of Kaarta became a scene of desolation. Most of the 
poor inhabitants of the different towns and villages, 
being surprised in the night, fell an easy prey; and 
their corn, and every thing which could be useful to 
Daisy, was burnt and destroyed. During these trans- 



ACCOUNT OF JAMA, AND MOORISH INHABITANTS. 



27 



actions, Daisy was employed in fortifying Gedingooma. 
This town is built in a narrow pass between two high 
hills, having only two gates, one towards Kaarta, and 
the other towards Jaffnoo ; the gate towards Kaarta was 
defended by Daisy in person, and that towards Jaffnoo 
was committed to the charge of his sons. When the 
army of Bambarra approached the town, they made 
some attempts to storm it, but were always driven back 
with great loss ; and Mansong, finding Daisy more for- 
midable than he expected, resolved to cut off his sup- 
plies, and starve him into submission. He accordingly 
sent all the prisoners he had taken into Bambarra; and, 
having collected a considerable quantity of provisions, 
remained with his army two whole months in the 
vicinity of Gedingooma, without doing any thing deci- 
sive. During this time, he was much harassed by 
sallies from the besieged ; and his stock of provisions 
being nearly exhausted, he sent to Ali, the Moorish 
king of Ludamar, for two hundred horsemen, to enable 
him to make an attack upon the north gate of the town, 
and give the Bambarrans an opportunity of storming 
the place. Ali, though he had made an agreement 
with Mansong, at the commencement of the war, to 
afford him assistance, now refused to fulfil his engage- 
ment, which so enraged Mansong, that he marched 
part of his army to Funingkedy, with a view to surprise 
the camp of Benowm ; but the Moors having received 
intelligence of his design, fled to the northward ; and 
Mansong, without attempting any thing farther, re-- 
turned to Sego. This happened while I was myself in 
captivity in Ali's camp, as will hereafter be seen. 

As the king of Kaarta had now got quit of his most 
formidable antagonist, it might have been hoped that 
peace would have been restored to his dominions ; but 
an extraordinary incident involved him immediately 
afterwards in hostilities with Kasson, the king of which 
country dying about that time, the succession was dis- 
puted by his two sons. The younger (Sambo Sego, my 
old acquaintance) prevailed; and drove his brother 
from the country. He fled to Gedingooma ; and being 
pursued thither, Daisy, who had lived in constant 
friendship with both the brothers, refused to deliver 
him up — at the same time declaring that he would not 
support his claim, nor any way interfere in the quarrel. 
Sambo Sego, elated with success, and proud of the ho- 
mage that was paid him as sovereign of Kasson, was 
much displeased with Daisy's conduct, and joined with 
some disaffected fugitive Kaartans in a plundering ex- 
pedition against him. Daisy, who little expected such 
a visit, had sent a number of people to Joko, to plant 
corn, and collect together such cattle as they might 
find straying in the woods, in order to supply his army. 
All these people fell into the hands of Sambo Sego, 
who carried them to Kooniakary, and afterwards sent 
them in caravans to be sold to the French at Fort 
Louis, on the river Senegal. 

This attack was soon retaliated ; for Daisy, who was 
now in distress for want of provisions, thought he was 
justified in supplying himself from the plunder of Kas- 
son. He accordingly took with him eight hundred of 
his best men, and marching secretly through the woods, 
surprised in the night three large villages near Koonia- 
kary, in which many of his traitorous subjects who were 
in Sambo's expedition had taken up their residence ; 
all these, and indeed all the able men that fell into 
Daisy's hands, were immediately put to death. 

After this expedition, Daisy began to indulge the 
hopes of peace — many of his discontented subjects had 
returned to their allegiance, and were repairing the 
towns which had been desolated by the war — the rainy 
season was approaching — and every thing wore a favour- 
able appearance, when he was suddenly attacked from 
a different quarter. 

The Jowers, Kakaroos, and some other Kaartans, 
who had deserted from him at the commencement of 
the war, and had shown a decided preference to Man- 
song and his army during the whole campaign, were 
now afraid or ashamed to ask forgiveness of Daisy, and 
being very powerful in themselves, joiued together to 
make war upon him. They solicited the Moors to assist 



them in their rebellion (as will appear hereafter), and 
having collected a considerable army, they plundered 
a large village belonging to Daisy, and carried off a 
number of prisoners. 

Daisy immediately prepared to revenge this insult ; 
but the Jowers, and indeed almost all the negro inha- 
bitants of Ludamar, deserted their towns and fled to 
the eastward ; and the rainy season put an end to the 
war of Kaarta, which had enriched a few individuals, 
but destroyed the happiness of thousands. 

Such was the state of affairs among the nations in 
the neighbourhood of Jarra, soon after the period of 
my arrival there. I shall now proceed, after giving 
some description of that place, with the detail of events 
as they occurred. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Some Account of Jarra, and the Moorish Inhabitants.— The 
Author applies for and obtains permission from Ali, the Moor- 
ish Chief or Sovereign of Ludamar, to pass through his Terri- 
tories.— Departs from Jarra, and arrives at Deena— 111 treated 
by the Moors.— Proceeds to Sampaka— Finds a Negro who 
makes Gunpowder.— Continues his Journey to Samee, where 
he is seized by some Moors, who are sent for that purpose by 
Ali— Is conveyed a Prisoner to the Moorish Camp at Benowm, 
on the Borders of the Great Desert. 

The town of Jarra is of considerable extent — the houses 
are built of clay and stone intermixed — the clay an- 
swering the purpose of mortar. It is situated in the 
Moorish kingdom of Ludamar ; but the major part of 
the inhabitants are negroes, from the borders of the 
southern states, who prefer a precarious protection 
under the Moors, which they purchase by a tribute, 
rather than continue exposed to their predatory hos- 
tilities. The tribute they pay is considerable ; and they 
manifest towards their Moorish superiors the most un- 
limited obedience and submission, and are treated by 
them with the utmost indignity and contempt. The 
Moors of this, and the other states adjoining the country 
of the negroes, resemble in their persons the Mulattoes 
of the West Indies, to so great a degree as not easily 
to be distinguished from them ; and, in truth, the pre- 
sent generation seem to be a mixed race between the 
Moors (properly so called) of the north, and the ne- 
groes of the south, possessing many of the worst quali- 
ties of both nations. 

Of the origin of these Moorish tribes, as distinguished 
from the inhabitants of Barbary, from whom they are 
divided by the Great Desert, nothing farther seems to 
be known than what is related by John Leo, the Afri- 
can, whose account may be abridged as follows : — 

Before the Arabian conquest, about the middle of 
the seventh century, all the inhabitants of Africa, 
whether they were descended from Numidians, Phoe- 
nicians, Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, or Goths, were 
comprehended under the general name of Mauri, or 
Moors. All these nations were converted to the reli- 
gion of Mahomet, during the Arabian empire under 
the Kaliphs. About this time many of the Numidian 
tribes, who led a wandering life in the desert, and sup- 
ported themselves upon the produce of their cattle, 
retired southward across the Great Desert to avoid 
the fury of the Arabians ; and by one of those tribes, 
says Leo (that of Zanhaga), were discovered, and con- 
quered, the negro nations on the Niger. By the Niger 
is here undoubtedly meant the river of Senegal, which 
in the Mandingo language is called Bajing, or the Black 
River. 

To what extent these people are now spread over the 
African continent, it is difficult to ascertain. There is 
reason to believe, that their dominion stretches from 
west to east, in a narrow line or belt, from the mouth 
of the Senegal (on the northern side of that river) to 
the confines of Abyssinia. They are a subtle and 
treacherous race of people, and take every opportunity 
of cheating and plundering the credulous and unsus'- 



28 



DESERTED BY HIS COMPANIONS— ARRIVES AT DALLI. 



pecting negroes. But their manners and general habits 
of life will be best explained, as incidents occur in the 
course of my narrative. 

On my arrival at Jarra, I obtained a lodging at the 
house of Daman Jumma, a Gambia slatee. This man 
had formerly borrowed goods from Dr Laidley, who 
had given me an order for the money, to the amount 
of six slaves ; and though the debt was of five years' 
standing, he readily acknowledged it, and promised me 
what money he could raise. He was afraid, he said, in 
his present situation, he could not pay more than two 
slaves' value. He gave me his assistance, however, in 
exchanging my beads and amber for gold, which was a 
more portable article, and more easily concealed from 
the Moors. 

The difficulties we had already encountered — the 
unsettled state of the country — and, above all, the sa- 
vage and overbearing deportment of the Moors — had so 
completely frightened my attendants, that they declared 
they would rather relinquish every claim to reward, 
than proceed one step farther to the eastward. Indeed, 
the danger they incurred of being seized by the Moors, 
and sold into slavery, became every day more appa- 
rent ; and I could not condemn their apprehensions. 
In this situation, deserted by my attendants, and re- 
flecting that my retreat was cut off by the war behind 
me, and that a Moorish country of ten days' journey 
lay before me, I applied to Daman to obtain permission 
from Ali, the chief or sovereign of Ludamar, that I 
might pass through his country unmolested into Bam- 
barra ; and I hired one of Daman's slaves to accom- 
pany me thither, as soon as such permission should be 
obtained. A messenger was dispatched to Ali, who at 
this time was encamped near Benowm ; and as a pre- 
sent was necessary in order to insure success, I sent 
him five garments of cotton cloth, which I purchased 
of Daman for one of my fowling-pieces. Fourteen days 
elapsed in settling this affair ; but on the evening of 
the 26th of February, one of Ali's slaves arrived with 
directions, as he pretended, to conduct me in safety as 
far as Goomba, and told me I was to pay him one gar- 
ment of blue cotton cloth for his attendance. My 
faithful boy, observing that I was about to proceed 
without him, resolved to accompany me ; and told me, 
that though he wished me to turn back, he never en- 
tertained any serious thoughts of deserting me, but 
had been advised to it by Johnson, with a view to in- 
duce me to return immediately for Gambia. 

February 27th. — I delivered most of my papers to 
Johnson) to convey them to Gambia as soon as possible, 
reserving a duplicate for myself in case of accidents. 
I likewise left in Daman's possession a bundle of clothes, 
and other things that were not absolutely necessary ; 
for I wished to diminish my baggage as much as pos- 
sible, that the Moors might have fewer inducements 
to plunder us. - 

Things being thus adjusted, we departed from Jarra 
in the forenoon, and slept at Troomgoomba, a small 
walled village, inhabited by a mixture of negroes and 
Moors. On the day following (February 28th) we reach- 
ed Qnira; and on the 29th, after a toilsome journey 
over a sandy country, we came to Compe, a watering 
place belonging to the Moors ; from whence, on the 
morning following, we proceeded to Deena, a large town, 
and, like Jarra, built of stone and clay. The Moors 
are here in greater proportion to the negroes than at 
Jarra. They assembled round the hut of the negro 
where I lodged, and treated me with the greatest inso- 
lence : they hissed, shouted, and abused me ; they even 
spit in my face, with a view to irritate me, and afford 
them a pretext for seizing my baggage. But, finding 
such insults had not the desired effect, they had recourse 
to the final and decisive argument, that I was a Chris- 
tian, and of course that my property was lawful plunder 
to the followers of Mahomet. They accordingly opened 
my bundles, and robbed me of every thing they fancied. 
My attendants, finding that every body could rob me 
with impunity, insisted on returning to Jarra. 

The day following (March 2d) I endeavoured, by all 
the means in my power, to prevail upon my people to 



go on, but they still continued obstinate ; and having 
reason to fear some farther insult from the fanatic 
Moors, I resolved to proceed alone. Accordingly, the 
next morning, about two o'clock, I departed from Deena. 
It was moonlight ; but the roaring of the wild beasts 
made it necessary to proceed with caution. 

When I had reached a piece of rising ground about 
half a mile from the town, I heard somebody halloo, 
and, looking back, saw my faithful boy running after 
me. He informed me that Ali's man had gone back 
to Benowm, and that Daman's negro was about to de- 
part for Jarra ; but he said he had no doubt, if I would 
stop a little, that he could persuade the latter to ac- 
company us. I waited accordingly, and in about an 
hour the boy returned with the negro ; and we con- 
tinued travelling over a sandy country, covered chiefly 
with the asclepias gigantsa, until mid-day, when we came 
to a number of deserted huts ; and seeing some appear- 
ances of water at a little distance, I sent the boy to fill 
a soofroo ; but as he was examining the place for water, 
the roaring of a lion, that was probably on the same 
pursuit, induced the frightened boy to return in haste, 
and Ave submitted patiently to the disappointment. In 
the afternoon we reached a town inhabited chiefly by 
Foulahs, called Samaming-koos. 

Next morning (March 4th) we set out for Sampaka ; 
which place we reached about two o'clock. On the 
road we observed immense quantities of locusts : the 
trees were quite black with them. These insects devour 
every vegetable that comes in their way, and in a short 
time completely strip a tree of its leaves. The noise 
of their excrement falling upon the leaves and withered 
grass, very much resembles a shower of rain. When 
a tree is shaken or struck, it is astonishing to see what 
a cloud of them will fly off. In their flight they yield 
to the current of the wind, which, at this season of the 
year, is always from the north-east. Should the wind 
shift, it is difficult to conceive where they could collect 
food, as the whole of their course was marked with de- 
solation. 

Sampaka is a large town, and when the Moors and 
Bambarrans were at war, was thrice attacked by the 
former ; but they were driven off with great loss, though 
the king of Bambarra was afterwards obliged to give 
up this, and all the other towns as far as Goomba, hi 
order to obtain a peace. Here I lodged at the house 
of a negx . who practised the art of making gunpowder. 
He showed me a bag of nitre, very white, but the crys- 
tals were much smaller than common. They procure 
it in considerable quantities from the ponds, which are 
filled in the rainy season, and to which the cattle resort 
for coolness during the heat of the day. When the 
water is evaporated, a white efflorescence is observed 
on the mud, which the natives collect and purify in such 
a manner as to answer their purpose. The Moors supply 
them with sulphur from the Mediterranean ; and the 
process is completed by pounding the different articles 
together in a wooden mortar. The grains are very 
unequal, and the sound of its explosion is by no means 
so sharp as that produced by European gunpowder. 

March 5th. — We departed from Sampaka at day- 
light. About noon we stopped a little at a village called 
Dangali; and in the evening arrived at Dalli. We 
saw upon the>road two large herds of camels feeding. 
When the Moors turn their camels to feed, they tie up 
one of their fore legs to prevent their straying. This 
happened to be a feast-day at Dalli, and the people were 
dancing before the dooty's house. But when they were 
informed that a white man was come into the town, they 
left off dancing, and came to the place where I lodged, 
walking in regular order, two and two, with the music 
before them. They play upon a sort of flute ; but in- 
stead of blowing into a hole in the side, they blow ob- 
liquely over the end, which is half shut by a thin piece 
of wood ; they govern the holes on the side with their 
fingers, and play some simple and very plaintive airs. 
They continued to dance and sing until midnight : dur- 
ing which time I was surrounded by so great a crowd, 
as made it necessary for me to satisfy their curiosity 
bv sitting still. 



THE CAMP OF ALI AT BENOWM. 



29 



March 6th. — We stopt here this morning, because 
some of the townspeople, who were going for Goomba 
on the day following, wished to accompany us ; but in 
order to avoid the crowd of people which usually as- 
sembled in the evening, we went to a negro village to 
the east of Dalli, called Samee, where we were kindly 
received by the hospitable dooty, who on this occasion 
killed two fine sheep, and invited his friends to come 
and feast with him. 

March 7th. — Our landlord was so proud of the ho- 
nour of entertaining a white man, that he insisted on 
my staying with him and his friends until the cool of 
the evening, when he said he would conduct me to the 
next village. As I was now within two days' journey 
of Goomba, I had no apprehensions from the Moors, 
and readily accepted the invitation. I spent the fore- 
noon very pleasantly with these poor negroes : their 
company was the more acceptable, as the gentleness of 
their manners presented a striking contrast to the rude- 
ness and barbarity of the Moors. They enlivened their 
conversation by drinking a fermented liquor made from 
corn — the same sort of beer that I have described in a 
former chapter; and better I never tasted in Great 
Britain. 

In the midst of this harmless festivity, I flattered 
myself that all danger from the Moors was over. Fancy 
had already placed me on the banks of the Niger, and 
presented to my imagination a thousand delightful 
scenes in my future progress, when a party of Moors 
unexpectedly entered the hut, and dispelled the golden 
dream. They came, they said, by Ali's orders, to con- 
vey me to his camp at Benowm. If I went peaceably, 
they told me, I had nothing to fear ; but if I refused, 
they had orders to bring me by force. I was struck 
dumb by surprise and terror, which the Moors observ- 
ing, endeavoured to calm my apprehensions, by repeat- 
ing the assurance that I had nothing to fear. Their 
visit, they added, was occasioned by the curiosity of 
Ali's wife Fatima, who had heard so much about Chris- 
tians, that she was very anxious to see one : as soon as 
her curiosity should be satisfied, they had no doubt, 
they said, that AH would give me a handsome present, 
and send a person to conduct me to Bambarra. Find- 
ing entreaty and resistance equally fruitless, I prepared 
to follow the messengers, and took leave of my landlord 
and his company with great reluctance. Accompanied 
by my faithful boy — for Daman's slave made his escape 
on seeing the Moors — we reached Dalli in the evening ; 
where we were strictly watched by the Moors during 
the night. 

March 8th. — We were conducted by a circuitous path 
through the woods to Dangali, where we slept. 

March 9th. — We continued our journey, and in the 
afternoon arrived at Sampaka. On the road we saw a 
party of Moors well armed, who told us that they were 
hunting for a runaway slave ; but the townspeople in- 
formed us, that a party of Moors had attempted to 
steal some cattle from the town in the morning, but were 
repulsed — and, on their describing the persons, we were 
satisfied that they were the same banditti that we had 
seen in the woods. • 

Next morning (March 10th) we set out for Samam- 
ing-koos. On the road we overtook a woman and two 
boys, with an ass ; she informed us that she was going 
for Bambarra, but had been stopped on the road by a 
party of Moors, who had taken most of her clothes, and 
• some gold from her ; and that she would be under the 
necessity of returning to Deena till the fast moon was 
over. The same evening the new moon was seen, which 
ushered in the month Rhamadan. Large fires were 
made in different parts of the town, and a greater quan- 
tity of victuals than usual dressed upon the occasion. 

March 11th. — By daylight the Moors were in readi- 
ness ; but as I had suffered much from thirst on the 
road, I made my boy fill a soofroo of water for my own 
use, for the Moors assured me that they should not taste 
either meat or drink until sunset. However, I found 
that the excessive heat of the sun, and the dust we 
raised in travelling, overcame their scruples, and made 
my soofroo a very useful part of our baggage. On our 



arrival at Deena, I went to pay my respects to one of 
Ali's sons. I found him sitting in a low hut, with five 
or six more of his companions, washing their hands and 
feet, and frequently taking water into their mouths, 
gargling, and spitting it out again. I was no sooner 
seated, than he handed me a double-barrelled gun, and 
told me to dye the stock of a blue colour, and repair 
one of the locks. I found great difficulty in persuading 
him that I knew nothing about the matter. However, 
says he, if you cannot repair the gun, you shall give me 
some knives and scissors immediately ; and when my 
boy, who acted as interpreter, assured him that I had 
no such articles, he hastily snatched up a musket that 
stood by him, cocked it, and putting the muzzle close to 
the boy's ear, would certainly have shot him dead upon 
the spot, had not the Moors wrested the musket from 
him, and made signs for us to retreat. The boy, being 
terrified at this treatment, attempted to make his escape 
in the night, but was prevented by the vigilance of the 
Moors, who guarded us with strict attention — and at 
night always went to sleep by the door of the hut, in 
such a situation that it was almost impossible to pass 
without stepping upon them. 

March 12th. — We departed from Deena towards Be- 
nowm, and about nine o'clock came to a korree, whence 
the Moors were preparing to depart to the southward, 
on account of the scarcity of water ; here we filled our 
soofroo, and continued our journey over a hot sandy 
country, covered with small stunted shrubs, until about 
one o'clock, when the heat of the sun obliged us to stop. 
But our water being expended, we could not prudently 
remain longer than a few minutes to collect a little gum, 
which is an excellent succedaneum for water, as it keeps 
the mouth moist, and allays, for a time, the pain in the 
throat. 

About five o'clock we came in sight of Benowm, the 
residence of Ali. It presented to the eye a great num- 
ber of dirty-looking tents, scattered without order over 
a large space of ground ; and among the tents appeared 
large herds of camels, cattle, and goats. We reached 
the skirts of this camp a little before sunset, and, with 
much entreaty, procured a little water. My arrival 
was no sooner observed, than the people who drew 
water at the wells threw down their buckets ; those in 
the tents mounted their horses ; and men, women, and 
children, came running or galloping towards me. I 
soon found myself surrounded by such a crowd that I 
could scarcely move ; one pulled my clothes, another 
took off my hat, a third stopped me to examine my 
waistcoat buttons, and a fourth called out, La ilia el 
allah Mahamet rasowl allahi — (" There is but one God, 
and Mahomet is his prophet") — and signified, in a 
threatening manner, that I must repeat those words. 
We reached at length the king's tent, where we found a 
great number of people, men and women, assembled. 
Ali was sitting upon a black leather cushion, clipping 
a few hairs from his upper lip ; a female attendant 
holding up a looking-glass before him. He appeared 
to be an old man, of the Arab cast, with a long white 
beard ; and he had a sullen and indignant aspect. He 
surveyed me with attention, and inquired of the Moors 
if I could speak Arabic : being answered in the nega- 
tive, he appeared much surprised, and continued silent. 
The surrounding attendants, and especially the ladies, 
were abundantly more inquisitive : they asked a thou- 
sand questions; inspected every part of my apparel, 
searched my pockets, and obliged me to unbutton my 
waistcoat, and display the whiteness of my skin : they 
even counted my toes and fingers, as if they doubted 
whether I was in truth a human being. In a little time 
the priest announced evening prayers ; but before the 
people departed, the Moor who had acted as interpreter, 
informed me that Ali was about to present me with 
something to eat ; and looking round, I observed some 
boys bringing a wild hog, which they tied to one of the 
tent strings, and Ali made signs to me to kill and dress 
it for supper. Though 1 was very hungry, I did not 
think it prudent to eat any part of an animal so niueh 
detested by the Moors, and therefore told him that I 
never ate such food. They then untied the hog, in 



30 



BAD TREATMENT BY ALT. 



hopes that it would run immediately at me — for they 
believe that a great enmity subsists between hogs and 
Christians — but in this they were disappointed ; for the 
animal no sooner regained his liberty, than he began 
to attack indiscriminately every person that came in 
his way, and at last took shelter under the couch upon 
which the Icing was sitting. The assembly being thus 
dissolved, I was conducted to the tent of Ali's chief 
slave, but was not permitted to enter, nor allowed to 
touch any thing belonging to it. I requested something 
to eat, and a little boiled corn, with salt and water, was 
at length sent me in a wooden bowl ; and a mat was 
spread upon the sand before the tent, on which I passed 
the night, surrounded by the curious multitude. 

At sunrise, Ali, with a few attendants, came on horse- 
back to visit me, and signified that he had provided a 
hut for me, where I would be sheltered from the sun. I 
was accordingly conducted thither, and found the hut 
comparatively cool and pleasant. It was constructed of 
corn stalks set up on end, in the form of a square, with 
a flat roof of the same materials, supported by forked 
sticks ; to one of which was tied the wild hog before 
mentioned. This animal had certainly been placed 
there by Ali's order, out of derision to a Christian ; and 
I found it a very disagreeable inmate, as it drew toge- 
ther a number of boys, who amused themselves by beat- 
ing it with sticks, until they had so irritated the hog 
that it ran and bit at every person within its reach. 

I was no sooner seated in this my new habitation, 
than the Moors assembled in crowds to behold me ; but 
I found it rather a troublesome levee, for I was obliged 
to take off one of my stockings, and show them my foot, 
and even to take off my jacket and waistcoat, to show 
them how my clothes were put on and off: they were 
much delighted with the curious contrivance of buttons. 
All this was to be repeated to every succeeding visitor ; 
for such as had already seen these wonders, insisted on 
their friends seeing the same ; and in this manner I was 
employed, dressing and undressing, buttoning and un- 
buttoning, from noon till night. About eight o'clock, 
Ali sent me for supper some kouskous and salt and water, 
which was very acceptable, being the only victuals I had 
tasted since morning. 

I observed that in the night the Moors kept regular 
watch, and frequently looked into the hut, to see if I 
was asleep ; and if it was quite dark, they would light a 
wisp of grass. About two o'clock in the morning, a 
Moor entered the hut, probably with a view to steal 
something, or perhaps to murder me ; and groping 
about, he laid his hand upon my shoulder. As night 
visitors were at best but suspicious characters, I sprang 
up the moment he laid his hand upon me ; and the Moor, 
in his haste to get off, stumbled over my boy, and fell 
with his face upon the wild hog, which returned the 
attack by biting the Moor's arm. The screams of this 
man alarmed the people in the king's tent, who imme- 
diately conjectured that I had made my escape, and a 
number of them mounted their horses, and prepared 
to pursue me. I observed upon this occasion that Ali 
did not sleep in his own tent, but came galloping upon 
a white horse from a small tent at a considerable dis- 
tance : indeed, the tyrannical and cruel behaviour of 
this man made him so jealous of every person around 
him, that even his own slaves and domestics knew not 
where he slept. When the Moors had explained to him 
the cause of this outcry, they all went away, and I was 
permitted to sleep quietly until morning. 

March 13th. — With the returning day commenced 
the same round of insult and irritation — the boys as- 
sembled to beat the hog, and the men and women to 
plague the Christian. It is impossible for me to de- 
scribe the behaviour of a people who study mischief as 
a science, and exult in the miseries and misfortunes of 
their fellow-creatures. It is sufficient to observe, that 
the rudeness, ferocity, and fanaticism, which distinguish 
the Moors from the rest of mankind, found here a pro- 
per subject whereon to exercise their propensities. I 
was a stranger, I was tinprotected, and I was a Chris- 
iian. Each of these circumstances is sufficient to drive 
every spark of humanity from the heart of a Moor ; j 



but when all of them, as in my case, were combined in 
the same person, and a suspicion prevailed withal that 
I had come as a spy into the country, the reader will 
easily imagine that in such a situation I had every 
thing to fear. Anxious, however, to conciliate favour, 
and, if possible, to afford the Moors no pretence for ill 
treating me, I readily complied with every command, 
and patiently bore every insult; but never did any 
period of my life pass away so heavily — from sunrise 
till sunset was I obliged to suffer, with an unruffled 
countenance, the insults of the rudest savages on earth. 



CHAPTER X. 



Various Occurrences during the Author's Confinement at Benowm 
—Is visited hy 6ome Moorish Ladies.— A Funeral and Wedding. 
— The Author receives an extraordinary Present from the 
Bride.— Other Circumstances illustrative of the Moorish Cha- 
racter and Manners. 

The Moors, though very indolent themselves, are rigid 
task-masters, and keep every person under them in full 
employment. My boy Demba was sent to the woods 
to collect withered grass for Ali's horses ; and after 
a variety of projects concerning myself, they at last 
found out an employment for me : this was no other 
than the respectable office of barber. I was to make 
my first exhibition in this capacity in the royal pre- 
sence, and to be honoured with the task of shaving the 
head of the young prince of Ludamar. I accordingly 
seated myself upon the sand, and the boy, with some 
hesitation, sat down beside me. A small razor, about 
three inches long, was put into my hand, and I was 
ordered to proceed ; but whether from my own want of 
skill, or the improper shape of the instrument, I un- 
fortunately made a slight incision in the boy's head at 
the very commencement of the operation ; and the king, 
observing the awkward manner in which I held the 
razor, concluded that his son's head was in very im- 
proper hands, and ordered me to resign the razor and 
walk out of the tent. This I considered as a very for- 
tunate circumstance ; for I had laid it down as a rule 
to make myself as useless and insignificant as possible, 
as the only means of recovering my liberty. 

March 18th. — Four Moors arrived from Jarrawith 
Johnson my interpreter, having seized him before he 
had received any intimation of my confinement, and 
bringing with them a bundle of clothes that I had left 
at Daman Jumma's house, for my use in case I should 
return by the way of Jarra. Johnson was led into 
Ali's tent and examined ; the bundle was opened, and I 
was sent for to explain the use of the different articles. 
I was happy, however, to find that Johnson had com- 
mitted my papers to the charge of one of Daman's 
wives. When I had satisfied Ali's curiosity respecting 
the different articles of apparel, the bundle was again 
tied up, and put into a large cow-skin bag that stood in 
a corner of the tent. The same evening Ali sent three 
of his people to inform me that there were many thieves 
in the neighbourhood, and that to prevent the rest of 
my things from being stolen, it was necessary to convey 
them all into his tent. My clothes, instruments, and 
every thing that belonged to me, were accordingly 
carried away ; and though the heat and dust made 
clean linen very necessary and refreshing, I could not 
procure a single shirt out of the small stock I had 
brought along with me. Ali was however disappointed, 
by not finding among my effects the quantity of gold 
and amber that he expected ; but to make sure of every 
thing, he sent the same people, on the morning follow- 
ing, to examine whether I had any thing concealed 
about my person. They, with their usual rudeness, 
searched every part of my apparel, and stripped me of 
ali my gold, amber, my watch, and one of my pocket 
compasses ; I had fortunately, in the night, buried the 
other compass in the sand — and this, with the clothes I 
had on, was all that the tyranny of Ali had now left me. 

The gold and amber were highly gratifying to Moorish 
avarice, but the pocket compaes soon became an object 



KEPT A PRISONER AT BENOWM. 



31 



of superstitious curiosity. Ali was very desirous to be 
informed why that small piece of iron, the needle, 
always pointed to the Great Desert ; and I found my- 
self somewhat puzzled to answer the question. To have 
pleaded my ignorance, would have created a suspicion 
that I wished to conceal the real truth from him ; I 
therefore told him that my mother resided far beyond 
the sands of Sahara, and that whilst she was alive the 
piece of iron would always point that way, and serve as 
a guide to conduct me to her, and that if she was dead 
it would point to her grave. Ali now looked at the 
compass with redoubled amazement ; turned it round 
and round repeatedly ; but observing that it always 
pointed the same way, he took it up with great caution 
and returned it to me, manifesting that he thought 
there was something of magic in it, and that he was 
afraid of keeping so dangerous an instrument in his 
possession. 

March 20th. — This morning a council of chief men 
was held in Ali's tent respecting me : their decisions, 
though they were all unfavourable to me, were differently 
related by different persons. Some said that they in- 
tended to put me to death ; others that I was only to 
lose my right hand : but the most probable account was 
that which I received from Ali's own son, a boy about 
nine years of age, who came to me in the evening, and, 
with much concern, informed me that his uncle had 
persuaded his father to put out my eyes, which they 
said resembled those of a cat, and that all the bush- 
reens had approved of this measure. His father, how- 
ever, he said, would not put the sentence into execution 
until Fatima the queen, who was at present in the north, 
had seen me. 

March 21st. — Anxious to know my desthfy, I went 
to the king early in the morning ; and as a number of 
bushreens were assembled, I thought this a favourable 
opportunity of discovering their intentions. I therefore 
began by begging his permission to return to Jarra, 
which was flatly refused : his wife, he said, had not yet 
seen me, and I must stay until she came to Benowm, 
after which I should be at liberty to depart ; and that 
my horse, which had been taken away from me the day 
after I arrived, should be again restored to me. Un- 
satisfactory as this answer was, I was forced to appear 
pleased ; and as there was little hope of making my 
escape at this season of the year, on account of the 
excessive heat, and the total want of water in the woods, 
I resolved to wait patiently until the rains had set in, 
or until some more favourable opportunity should pre- 
sent itself. But " hope deferred maketh the heart sick." 
This tedious procrastination from day to day, and the 
thoughts of travelling through the negro kingdoms in 
the rainy season, which was now fast approaching, made 
me very melancholy ; and having passed a restless 
night, I found myself attacked, in the morning, by a 
smart fever. I had wrapped myself close up in my 
cloak with a view to induce perspiration, and was asleep, 
when a party of Moors entered the hut, and, with their 
usual rudeness, pulled the cloak from me. I made signs 
to them that I was sick, and wished much to sleep ; but 
I solicited in vain : my distress was matter of sport to 
them, and they endeavoured to heighten it by every 
means in their power. This studied and degrading in- 
solence, to which I was constantly exposed, was one of 
the bitterest ingredients in the cup of captivity, and 
often made life itself a burden to me. In those dis- 
tressing moments I have frequently envied the situation 
of the slave, who, amidst all his calamities, could still 
possess the enjoyment of his own thoughts — a happi- 
ness to which I had for some time been a stranger. — 
Wearied out with such continual insults, and perhaps 
a little peevish from the fever, I trembled lest my 
passion might unawares overleap the bounds of pru- 
dence, and spur me to some sudden act of resentment, 
when death must be the inevitable consequence. In 
this perplexity, I left my hut, and walked to some shady 
trees at a little distance from the camp, where I lay 
down. But even here persecution followed me; and 
solitude was thought too great an indulgence for a dis- 
tressed Christian. Ali's son, with a number of horse- 



men, came galloping to the place, and ordered me to 
rise and follow them. I begged they would allow me 
to remain where I was, if it was only for a few hours ; 
but they paid little attention to what I said ; and, after 
a few threatening words, one of them pulled out a pistol 
from a leather bag, that was fastened to the pommel 
of his saddle, and, presenting it towards me, snapped it 
twice. He did this with so much indifference, that I 
really doubted whether the pistol was loaded ; he cocked 
it a third time, and was striking the flint with a piece 
of steel, when I begged them to desist, and returned with 
them to the camp. When we entered Ali's tent, we 
found him much out of humour. He called for the 
Moor's pistol, and amused himself for some time with 
opening and shutting the pan ; at length, taking up his 
powder-horn, he fresh primed it ; and, turning round to 
me with a menacing look, said something in Arabic, 
which I did not understand. I desired my boy, who 
was sitting before the tent, to inquire what offence I 
had committed ; when I was informed, that having gone 
out of the camp without Ali's permission, they suspected 
that I had some design of making my escape ; and that, 
in future, if I was seen without the skirts of the camp, 
orders had been given that I should be shot by the first 
person that observed me. 

In the afternoon the horizon, to the eastward, was 
thick and hazy, and the Moors prognosticated a sand 
wind ; which accordingly commenced on the morning 
following, and lasted, with slight intermissions, for two 
days. The force of the wind was not in itself very 
great — it was what a seaman would have denominated 
a stiff breeze ; but the quantity of sand and dust carried 
before it, was such as to darken the whole atmosphere. 
It swept along from east to west, in a thick and constant 
stream, and the air was at times so dark and full of 
sand, that it was difficult to discern the neighbouring 
tents. As the Moors always dress their victuals iri the 
open air, this sand fell in great plenty amongst the 
kouskous : it readily adhered to the skin, when moist- 
ened by perspiration, and formed a cheap and universal 
hair powder. The Moors wrap a cloth round their face, 
to prevent them from inhaling the sand, and always turn 
their backs to the wind when they look up, to prevent 
the sand falling into their eyes. 

About this time, all the women of the camp had their 
feet, and the ends of their fingers, stained of a dark 
saffron colour. I could never ascertain whether this 
was done from motives of religion, or by way of orna- 
ment. The curiosity of the Moorish ladies had been 
very troublesome to me ever since my arrival at Be- 
nowm ; and on the evening of the 25th (whether from 
the instigation of others, or impelled by their own un- 
governable curiosity, or merely out of frolic, I cannot 
affirm), a party of them came into my hut, and gave me 
plainly to understand that the object of their visit was 
to ascertain, by actual inspection, whether the rite of 
circumcision extended to the Nazarenes (Christians), 
as well as to the followers of Mahomet. The reader 
will easily judge of my surprise at this unexpected 
declaration ; and in order to avoid the proposed scru- 
tiny, I thought it best to treat the business jocularly. 
I observed to them, that it was not customary in my 
country to give ocular demonstration in such cases, 
before so many beautiful women; but that if all of 
them would retire, except the young lady to whom I 
pointed (selecting the youngest and handsomest), I 
would satisfy her curiosity. The ladies enjoyed the 
jest, and went away laughing heartily ; and the young 
damsel herself to whom I had given the preference 
(though she did not avail herself of the privilege of 
inspection), seemed no way displeased at the compli- 
ment ; for she soon afterwards sent me some meal and 
milk for my suppei\ 

March 28th. — This morning a large herd of cattle 
arrived from the Eastward ; and one of the drivers, to 
whom Ali had lent my horse, came into my hut with 
the leg of an antelope as a present; and told me that 
my horse was standing before Ali's tent. In a little 
time Ali sent one of his slaves to inform me, that in 
the afternoon I must be in readiness to ride out 



32 



OCCURRENCES AT BENOWM CONTINUED. 



with him, as he intended to show me to some of his 
women. 

About four o'clock, AH, with six of his courtiers, 
came riding to my hut, and told me to follow them. I 
readily complied. But here a new difficulty occurred. 
The Moors, accustomed to a loose and easy dress, could 
not reconcile themselves to the appearance of my nan- 
keen breeches, which they said were not only inelegant, 
but, on account of their tightness, very indecent; 
and as this was a visit to ladies, Ali ordered my boy to 
bring out the loose cloak which I had always worn 
since my arrival at Benowm, and told me to wrap it 
close round me. We visited the tents of four different 
ladies, at every one of which I was presented with a 
bowl of milk and water. All these ladies were re- 
markably corpulent, which is considered here as the 
highest mark of beauty. They were very inquisitive, 
and examined my hair and skin with great attention, 
but affected to consider me as a sort of inferior being 
to themselves, and would knit their brows, and seem 
to shudder, when they looked at the whiteness of my 
skin. In the course of this evening's excursion, my 
dress and appearance afforded infinite mirth to the 
company, who galloped round me as if they were bait- 
ing a wild animal, twirling their muskets round their 
heads, and exhibiting various feats of -activity and 
horsemanship, seemingly to display their superior 
prowess over a miserable captive. 

The Moors are certainly very good horsemen. They 
ride without fear — their saddles being high before and 
behind, afford them a very secure seat ; and if they 
chance to fall, the whole country is so soft and sandy, 
that they are very seldom hurt. Their greatest pride, 
and one of their principal amusements, is to put the 
horse to his full speed, and then stop him with a sudden 
jerk, so as frequently to bring him down upon his 
haunches. Ali always rode upon a milk-white horse, 
with its tail dyed red. He never walked, unless when 
he went to say his prayers ; and even in the night, two 
or three horses were always kept ready saddled, at a 
little distance from his own tent. The Moors set a 
very high value upon their horses ; for it is by their 
superior fleetness that they are enabled to make so 
many predatory excursions into the negro countries. 
They feed them three or four times a-day, and ge- 
nerally give them a large quantity of sweet milk in 
the evening, which the horses appear to relish very 
much. 

April 3d. — This forenoon a child, which had been 
some time sickly, died in the next tent ; and the mother 
and relations immediately began the death-howl. They 
were joined by a number of female visitors, who came 
on purpose to assist at this melancholy concert. I had 
no opportunity of seeing the burial, which is generally 
performed secretly, in the dusk of the evening, and 
frequently at only a few yards' distance from the tent. 
Over the grave they plant one particular shrub ; and 
no stranger is allowed to pluck a leaf, or even to touch 
it — so great a veneration have they for the dead. 

April 7th. — About four o'clock in the afternoon, a 
whirlwind passed through the camp with such violence, 
that it overturned three tents, and blew down one side 
of my hut. These whirlwinds come from the Great 
Desert, and at this season of the year are so common, 
that I have seen five or six of them at one time. They 
carry up quantities of sand to an amazing height, 
which resemble, at a distance, so many moving pillars 
of smoke. 

The scorching heat of the sun, upon a dry and sandy 
country, makes the air insufferably hot. Ali having 
robbed me of my thermometer, I had no means of 
forming a comparative judgment ; but in the middle of 
the day, when the beams of the vertical sun are se- 
conded by the scorching wind from the desert, the 
ground is frequently heated to such a degree as not to 
be borne by the naked foot ; even the negro slaves will 
not run from one tent to another without their sandals. 
At this time of the day the Moors lie stretched at 
length in their tents, either asleep, or unwilling to move ; 
and I have often felt the wind so hot, that 1 could not 



hold my hand in the current of air which c.-vme through 
the crevices of my hut without feeling sensible pain. 

April 8th. — This day the wind blew from the south- 
west ; and in the night there was a heavy shower of 
rain, accompanied with thunder and lightning. 

April 10th. — In the evening the tabula, or large 
drum, was beat to announce a wedding, which was held 
at one of the neighbouring tents. A great number of 
people of both s£xes assembled, but without that mirth 
and hilarity which take place at a negro wedding ; here 
was neither singing nor dancing, nor any other amuse- 
ment that I could perceive. A woman was beating the 
drum, and the other women joining at times like a 
chorus, by setting up a shrill scream, and, at the same 
time, moving their tongues from one side of the mouth 
to the other with great celerity. I was soon tired, and 
had returned into my hut, where I was sitting almost 
asleep, when an old woman entered, with a wooden bowl 
in her hand, and signified that she had brought me a 
present from the bride. Before I could recover from 
the surprise which this message created, the woman 
discharged the contents of the bowl full in my face. 
Finding that it was the same sort of holy water with 
which, among the Hottentots, a priest is said to sprinkle 
a newly married couple, I began to suspect that the old 
lady was actuated by mischief or malice ; but she gave 
me seriously to understand that it was a nuptial bene- 
diction from the bride's own person, and Avhich, on such 
occasions, is always received by the young unmarried 
Moors as a mark of distinguished favour. This being 
the case, I wiped my face, and sent my acknowledg- 
ments to the lady. The wedding drum continued to 
beat, and the women to sing, or rather whistle, all 
night. About nine in the morning, the bride was 
brought in state from her mother's tent, attended by 
a number of women, who carried her tent (a present 
from the husband), some bearing up the poles, others 
holding by the strings ; and in this manner they 
marched, whistling as formerly, until they came to the 
place appointed for her residence, where they pitched 
the tent. The husband followed, with a number of 
men leading four bullocks, which they tied to the tent 
strings ; and having killed another, and distributed the 
beef among the people, the ceremony was concluded. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Occurrences at the Camp continued. — Information collected by 
the Author concerning Houssa and Tombuctoo ; and the 
Situation of the latter. — The Route described from Morocco to 
Benowm. — The Author's Distress from Hunger. — Ali removes 
his camp to the Northward. — The Author is carried Prisoner 
to the new Encampment, and is presented to Queen Fatima. 
— Great Distress from the want of Water. 

One whole month had now elapsed since I was led into 
captivity, during which time, each returning day 
brought me fresh distresses. I watched the lingering 
course of the sun with anxiety, and blessed his evening 
beams as they shed a yellow lustre along the sandy 
floor of my hut ; for it was then that my oppressors left 
me, and allowed me to pass the sultry night in solitude 
and reflection. 

About midnight, a bowl of kouskous with some salt 
and water was brought for me and my two attendants. 
This was our common fare, and it was all that was 
allowed us to allay the cravings of hunger, and support 
nature for the whole of the following day ; for it is to 
be observed that this was the Mahomedan lent, and as 
the Moors keep the fast with a religious strictness, they 
thought it proper to compel me, though a Christian, to 
a similar observance. Time, however, somewhat re- 
conciled me to my situation : I found that I could bear 
hunger and thirst better than I expected ; and at length 
I endeavoured to beguile the tedious hours by learning 
to write Arabic. The people who came to see me soou 
made me acquainted with the characters ; and I dis- 
covered, that by engaging their attention in this way, 
they were not so troublesome as otherwise they would 



THE AUTHOR'S DISTRESS FROM HUNGER. 



33 



have been : indeed, when I observed any person whose 
countenance I thought bore malice towards me, I made 
it a rule to ask him, either to write in the sand himself, 
or to decipher what I had already written; and the 
pride of showing his superior attainments generally 
induced him to comply with my request. 

April 14th. — As queen Fatima had not yet arrived, 
Ali proposed to go to the north, and bring her back 
with him ; but as the place was two days' journey from 
Benowm, it was necessary to have some refreshment 
on the road ; and Ali, suspicious of those about him, 
was so afraid of being poisoned, that he never ate any 
thing but what was dressed under his own immediate 
inspection. A fine bullock was therefore killed, and the 
flesh being cut up into thin slices, was dried in the sun ; 
and this, with two bags of dry kouskous, formed his 
travelling provisions. 

Previous to his departure, the black people of the 
town of Benowm came, according to their annual cus- 
tom, to show their 'arms, and bring their stipulated 
tribute of corn and cloth. They were but badly armed; 
twenty-two with muskets, forty or fifty with bows and 
arrows, and nearly the same number of men and boys, 
with spears only. They arranged themselves before the 
tent, where they waited until their arms were examined, 
and some little disputes settled. 

About midnight on the 16th, Ali departed quietly 
from Benowm, accompanied by a few attendants. He 
was expected to return in the course of nine or ten days. 

April 18th. — Two days after the departure of Ali, a 
shereef arrived with salt, and some other articles, from 
Walet, the capital of the kingdom of Biroo. As there 
was no tent appropriated for him, he took up his abode 
in the same hut with me. He seemed to be a well-in- 
formed man, and his acquaintance both with the Arabic 
and Bambarra tongues enabled him to travel with ease 
and safety through a number of kingdoms ; for though 
his place of residence was Walet, he had visited Houssa, 
and had lived some years at Tombuctoo. Upon my in- 
quiring so particularly about the distance from Walet 
to Tombuctoo, he asked me if I intended to travel that 
way ; and being answered in the affirmative, he shook 
his head, and said, "it would not do ;" for that Christians 
were looked upon there as the devil's children, and 
enemies to the Prophet. From him I learned the fol- 
lowing particulars : — That Houssa was the largest town 
he had ever seen : that Walet was larger than Tom- 
buctoo, but being remote from the Niger, and its trade 
consisting chiefly of salt, it was not so much resorted 
to by strangers : that between Benowm and Walet was 
ten days' journey ; but the road did not lead through 
any remarkable towns, and travellers supported them- 
selves by purchasing milk from the Arabs, who keep 
their hex'ds by the watering-places : two of the days' 
journies was over a sandy country, without water. 
From Walet to Tombuctoo was eleven days more ; but 
water was more plentiful, and the journey was usually 
performed upon bullocks. He said there were many 
Jews at Tombuctoo, but they all spoke Arabic, and 
used the same prayers as the Moors. He frequently 
pointed his hand to the south-east quartei*, or rather 
the east by south ; observing, that Tombuctoo was situ- 
ated in that direction ; and though I made him repeat 
this information again and again, I never found him 
to vary more than half a point, which was to the south- 
ward. 

April 24th. — This morning Shereef Sidi Mahomed 
Moora Abdalla, a native of Morocco, arrived with five 
bullocks loaded with salt. He had formerly resided 
some months at Gibraltar, where he had picked up as 
much English as enabled him to make himself under- 
stood. He informed me, that he had been five months 
in coming from Santa Cruz ; but that great part of the 
time had been spent in trading. When I requested him 
to enumerate the days employed in travelling from Mo- 
rocco to Benowm, he gave them as follows : — To Swcra, 
three days ; to Agadier, three ; to Jinikin, ten ; to Wa- 
denoon, four ; to Lakeneig, five ; to Zeeriwin-zeriman, 
five ; to Tisheet,ten ; to Benowm, ten— -in all, fifty days : 
but travellers usually rest a long while at Jinikin and 
c 



Tisheet — at the latter of which places they dig the rock 
salt, which is so great an article of commerce with the 
negroes. 

In conversing with these shereefs, and the different 
strangers that resorted to the camp, I passed my time 
with rather less uneasiness than formerly. On the other 
hand, as the dressing of my victuals was now left en- 
tirely to the care of Ali's slaves, over whom I had not 
the smallest control, I found myself but ill supplied, 
worse even than in the fast month : for two successive 
nights they neglected to send us our accustomed meal ; 
and though my boy went to a small negro town near 
the camp, and begged with great diligence from hut to 
hut, he could only procure a few handfuls of ground 
nuts, which he readily shared with me. Hunger, at 
first, is certainly a very painful sensation ; but when it 
has continued for some time, this pain is succeeded by 
languor and debility ; in which case, a draught of 
water, by keeping the stomach distended, will greatly 
exhilarate the spirits, and remove for a short time every 
sort of uneasiness. Johnson and Demba were very much 
dejected. They lay stretched upon the sand, in a sort 
of torpid slumber ; and even when the kouskous arrived, 
I found some difficulty in awakening them. I felt no 
inclination to sleep, but was affected with a deep con- 
vulsive respiration, like constant sighing ; and, what 
alarmed me still more, a dimness of sight, and a ten- 
dency to faint, when I attempted to sit up. These 
symptoms did not go off until some time after I had 
received nourishment. 

We had been for some days in daily expectation of 
Ali's return from Saheel (or the north country) with 
his wife Fatima. In the meanwhile Mansong, king of 
Bambarra, as I have related in Chapter VIIL, had sent 
to Ali for a party of horse to assist in storming Gedin- 
gooma. With this demand Ali had not only refused 
to comply, but had treated the messengers with great 
haughtiness and contempt ; upon which Mansong gave 
up all thoughts of taking the town, and prepared to 
chastise Ali for his contumacy. 

Things were in this situation when, on the 2.9th of 
April, a messenger arrived at Benowm with the dis- 
agreeable intelligence that the Bambarra army was ap- 
proaching the frontiers of Ludamar. This threw the 
whole country into confusion ; and in the afternoon, 
Ali's son, with about twenty horsemen, arrived at Be- 
nowm. He ordered all the cattle to be driven away 
immediately, all the tents to be struck, and the people 
to hold themselves in readiness to depart at daylight 
the next morning. 

April 30th. — At daybreak the whole camp was in 
motion. The baggage was carried upon bullocks — the 
two tent poles being placed one on each side, and the 
different wooden articles of the tent distributed in like 
manner ; the tent cloth was thrown over all, and upon 
this was commonly placed one or two women ; for the 
Moorish women are very bad walkers. The king's 
favourite concubines rode upon camels, with a saddle 
of a particular construction, and a canopy to shelter 
them from the sun. We proceeded to the northward 
until noon, when the king's son ordered the whole com- 
pany, except two tents, to enter a thick low wood, which 
was upon our right. I was sent along with the two 
tents, and arrived in the evening at a negro town called 
Farani : here we pitched the tents in an open place, at 
no great distance from the town. 

The hurry and confusion which attended this de- 
campment, prevented the slaves from dressing the usual 
quantity of victuals ; and lest their dry provisions should 
be exhausted before they reached their place of desti- 
nation (for as yet none but Ali and the chief men knew 
whither we were going), they thought proper to make 
me observe this day as a day of fasting. 

May 1st. — As I had some reason to suspect that this 
day was also to be considered as a last, I went in the 
morning to the negro town of Farani, and begged some 
provisions from the dooty, who readily supplied my 
wants, and desired me to come to his house every day 
during my stay in the neighbourhood. These hospi- 
table people are looked upon by the Moors as an abject 



34 



CONTINUES IN CAPTIVITY AT BENOWM. 



race of slaves, and are treated accordingly. Two of 
Ali's household slaves, a man and a woman, who had 
come along with the two tents, went this morning to 
water the cattle from the town wells, at which there 
began to be a great scarcity. When the negro women 
observed the cattle approaching, they took up their 
pitchers and ran with all possible haste towards the 
town ; but before they could enter the gate, they were 
stopped by the slaves, who compelled them to bring back 
the water they had drawn for their own families, and 
empty it into the troughs for the cattle. "When this 
was exhausted, they were ordered to draw water until 
such time as the cattle had all drunk ; and the woman 
slave actually broke two wooden bowls over the heads 
of the black girls, because they were somewhat dilatory 
in obeying her commands. 

May 3d. — We departed from the vicinity of Farani, 
and after a circuitous route through the woods, ar- 
rived at Ali's camp in the afternoon. This encamp- 
ment was larger than that of Benowm, and was si- 
tuated hi the middle of a thick wood about two miles 
distant from a negro town, called Bubaker. I imme- 
diately waited upon Ali, in order to pay my respects 
to queen Fatima, who had come with him from Sa- 
heel. He seemed much pleased with my coming — 
shook hands with me — and informed his wife that I 
was the Christian. She was a woman of the Arab cast, 
with long black hair, and remarkably corpulent. She 
appeared at first rather shocked at the thought of hav- 
ing a Christian so near her : but when I had (by means 
of a negro boy, who spoke the Mandingo and Arabic 
tongues) answered a great many questions, which her 
curiosity suggested, respecting the country of the Chris- 
tians, she seemed more at ease, and presented me with 
a bowl of milk, which I considered as a very favour- 
able omen. 

The heat was now almost insufferable — all nature 
seemed sinking under it. The distant country presented 
to the eye a dreary expanse of sand, with a few stunted 
trees and prickly bushes, in the shade of which the 
hungry cattle licked up the withered grass, while the 
camels and goats picked off the scanty foliage. The 
scarcity of water was greater here than at Benowm. 
Day and night the wells were crowded with cattle, 
lowing and fighting with each other to come at the 
troughs. Excessive thirst made many of them furious ; 
others, being too weak to contend for the water, endea- 
voured to quench their thirst by devouring the black 
mud from the gutters near the wells — which they did 
with great avidity, though it was commonly fatal to 
them. 

This great scarcity of water was felt severely by all the 
people of the camp, and by none more than myself; for 
though Ali allowed me a skin for containing water, and 
Fatima, once or twice, gave me a small supply when I 
was in distress, yet such was the barbarous disposition 
of the Moors at the wells, that, when my boy attempted 
to fill the skin, he commonly received a sound drubbing 
for his presumption. Every one was astonished that the 
slave of a Christian should attempt to draw water from 
wells which had been dug by the followers of the Prophet. 
This treatment, at length, so frightened the boy, that I 
believe he would sooner have perished with thirst than 
attempted again to fill the skin ; he therefore contented 
himself with begging water from the negro slaves that 
attended the camp — and I followed his example — but 
with very indifferent success ; for though I let no oppor- 
tunity slip, and was very urgent in my solicitations, 
both to the Moors and negroes, I was but ill supplied, 
and frequently passed the night in the situation of Tan- 
talus. No sooner had I shut my eyes, than fancy would 
convey me to the streams and rivers of my native land : 
there, as I wandered along the verdant brink, I sur- 
veyed the clear stream with transport, and hastened to 
swallow the delightful draught — but alas ! disappoint- 
ment awakened me, and I found myself a lonely cap- 
tive, perishing of thirst amidst the wilds of Africa ! 

One night, having solicited in vain for water at the 
camp, and being quite feverish, I resolved to try my 
fortune at the wells, which were about half a mile dis- 



tant from the camp. Accordingly, I set out about mid- 
night, and being guided by the lowing of the cattle, 
soon arrived at the place — where I found the Moors 
very busy drawing water. I requested permission to 
drink, but was driven away with outrageous abuse. 
Passing, however, from one well to another, I came at 
last to one where there was only an old man and two 
boys. I made the same request to this man, and he 
immediately drew me up a bucket of water ; but, as I 
was about to take hold of it, he recollected that I was a 
Christian, and fearing that his bucket might be polluted 
by my lips, he dashed the water into the trough, and 
told me to drink from thence. Though this trough was 
none of the largest, and three cows were already drink- 
ing in it, I resolved to come in for my share; and kneel- 
ing down, thrust my head between two of the cows, and 
drank with great pleasure, until the water was nearly 
exhausted, and the cows began to contend with each 
other for the last mouthful. 

In adventures of this nature, I passed the sultry 
month of May, during which no material change took 
place in my situation. Ali still considered me as a law- 
ful prisoner ; and Fatima, though she allowed me a 
larger quantity of victuals than I had been accustomed 
to receive at Benowm, had as yet said nothing on the 
subject of my release. In the meantime, the frequent 
changes of the wind, the gathering clouds, and distant 
lightning, with other appearances of approaching rain, 
indicated that the wet season was at hand, when the 
Moors annually evacuate the country of the negroes, 
and return to the skirts of the Great Desert. This made 
me consider that my fate was drawing towards a crisis, 
and I resolved to wait for the event without any seem- 
ing uneasiness ; but circumstances occurred which pro- 
duced a change in my favour, more suddenly than I 
had foreseen, or had reason to expect. The case was 
this : — The fugitive Kaartans, who had taken refuge in 
Ludamar, as I have related in Chapter VIII., finding 
that the Moors were about to leave them, and dreading 
the resentment of their own sovereign, whom they had 
so basely deserted, offered to treat with Ali for two 
hundred Moorish horsemen, to co-operate with them in 
an effort to expel Daisy from Gedingooma ; for until 
Daisy should be vanquished or humbled, they considered 
that they could neither return to their native towns, 
nor live in security in any of the neighbouring king- 
doms. With a view to extort money from these people 
by means of this treaty, Ali dispatched his son to Jarra, 
and prepared to follow him in the course of a few days. 
This was an opportunity of too great consequence to 
me to be neglected. I immediately applied to Fatima 
(who, I found, had the chief direction in all affairs 
of state), and begged her interest with Ali to give me 
permission to accompany him to Jarra. This request, 
after some hesitation, was favourably received. Fatima 
looked kindly on me, and, I believe, was at length 
moved with compassion towards me. My bundles were 
brought from the large cow-skin bag that stood in the 
corner of Ali's tent, and I was ordered to explain the 
use of the different articles, and show the method of 
putting on the boots, stockings, <xc. — with all which I 
cheerfully complied, and was told that, in the course of 
a few days,tf should be at liberty to depart. 

Believing, therefore, that I should certainly find the 
means of escaping from Jarra, if I should once get 
thither, I now freely indulged the pleasing hope that 
my captivity would soon terminate ; and happily not 
having been disappointed in this idea, I shall pause, in 
this place, to collect and bring into one point of view, 
such observations on the Moorish character and coun- 
try as I had no fair opportunity of introducing into the 
preceding narrative. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Containing some farther miscellaneous Reflections on the Moorish 
Character and Manners. — Observations concerning the Great 
Desert, its Animals, wild and domestic, &c. &c. 

The Moors of this part of Africa are divided into many 
separate tribes, of which the most formidable, accord- 



MANNERS OF THE MOORS— QUEEN FATIMA. 



35 



ino- to what was reported to me, are those of Trasart 
and II Braken, which inhabit the northern bank of the 
Senegal river. The tribes of Gedumah, Jaffnoo, and 
Ludamar, though not so numerous as the former, are 
nevertheless very powerful and warlike, and are each 
governed by a chief, or king, who exercises absolute 
jurisdiction over his own horde, without acknowledging 
allegiance to a common sovereign. In time of peace, 
the employment of the people is pasturage. The Moors, 
indeed, subsist chiefly on the flesh of their cattle, and 
are always in the extreme of either gluttony or absti- 
nence. In consequence of the frequent and severe fasts 
which their religion enjoins, and the toilsome journies 
which they sometimes undertake across the desert, they 
are enabled to bear both hunger and thirst with sur- 
prising fortitude ; but whenever opportunities occur of 
satisfying their appetite, they generally devour more 
at one meal than would serve an European for three. 
They pay but little attention to agriculture, purchasing 
their corn, cotton cloth, and other necessaries, from 
the negroes, in exchange for salt, which they dig from 
the pits in the Great Desert. 

The natural barrenness of the country is such, that 
it furnishes but few materials for manufacture. The 
Moors, however, contrive to weave a strong cloth, with 
which they cover their tents; the thread is spun by 
their women from the hair of goats; and they pre- 
pare the hides of their cattle so as to furnish saddles, 
bridles, pouches, and other articles of leather. They 
are likewise sufficiently skilful to convert the native 
iron, \jjhich they procure from the negroes, into spears 
and knives, and also into pots for boiling their food ; 
but their sabres, and other weapons, as well as their 
fire-arms and ammunition, they purchase from the 
Europeans, in exchange for the negro slaves which they 
obtain in their predatory excursions. Their chief com- 
merce of this kind is with the French traders on the 
Senegal river. 

The Moors are rigid Mahomedans, and possess, with 
the bigotry and superstition, all the intolerance, of 
their sect. They have no mosques at Benowm, but 
perform their devotions in a sort of open shed, or 
inclosure, made of mats. The priest is, at the same 
time, schoolmaster to the juniors. His pupils assemble 
every evening before his tent ; where, by the light of 
a large fire, made of brushwood and cow's dung, they 
are taught a few sentences from the Koran, and are 
initiated into the principles of their creed. Their alpha- 
bet differs but little from that in Richardson's Arabic 
Grammar. They always write with the vowel points. 
Their priests even affect to know something of foreign 
literature. The priest of Benowm assured me, that he 
could read the writings of the Christians : he showed 
me a number of barbarous characters, which he as- 
serted were the Roman alphabet; and he produced 
another specimen, equally unintelligible, which he de- 
clared to be the Kallam il Indi, or Persian. His library 
consisted of nine volumes in quarto ; most of them, I 
believe, were books of religion — for the name of Maho- 
met appeared, in red letters, in almost every page 
of each. His scholars wrote their lessons upon thin 
boards; paper being too expensive for general use. 
The boys were diligent enough, and appeared to possess 
a considerable share of emulation — carrying their boards 
slung over their shoulders, when about their common 
employments. When a boy has committed to memory 
a few of their prayers, and can read and write cer- 
tain parts of the Koran, he is reckoned sufficiently 
instructed ; and, with this slender stock of learning, 
commences his career of life. Proud of his acquire- 
ments, he surveys with contempt the unlettered negro ; 
and embraces every opportunity of displaying his supe- 
riority over such of his countrymen as are not distin- 
guished by the same accomplishments. 

The education of the girls is neglected altogether : 
mental accomplishments are but little attended to by 
the women ; nor is the want of them considered by the 
men as a defect in the female character. They are 
regarded, I believe, as an inferior species of animals ; 
and seem to be brought up for no other purpose than 



that of administering to the sensual pleasures of their 
imperious masters. Voluptuousness is therefore con- 
sidered as their chief accomplishment, and slavish sub- 
mission as their indispensable duty. 

The Moors have singular ideas of feminine perfec- 
tion. The gracefulness of figure and motion, and a 
countenance enlivened by expression, are by no means 
essential points in their standard — with them corpu- 
lence and beauty appear to be terms nearly synonymous. 
A woman, of even moderate pretensions, must be one 
who cannot walk without a slave under each arm to 
support her ; and a perfect beauty is a load for a camel. 
In consequence of this prevalent taste for unwieldiness 
of bulk, the Moorish ladies take great pains to acquire 
it early in life ; and for this purpose many of the young 
girls are compelled, by their mothers, to devour a great 
quantity of kouskous, and drink a large bowl of camel's 
milk, every morning. It is of no importance whether 
the girl has an appetite or not — the kouskous and milk 
must be swallowed, and obedience is frequently en- 
forced by blows. I have seen a poor girl sit crying, 
with the bowl at her lips, for more than an hour, and 
her mother, with a stick in her hand, watching her all 
the while, and using the stick without mercy, whenever 
she observed that her daughter was not swallowing. 
This singular practice, instead of producing indigestion 
and disease, soon covers the young lady with that de- 
gree of plumpness, which, in the eye of a Moor, is per- 
fection itself. 

As the Moors purchase all their clothing from the 
negroes, the women are forced to be very economical 
in the article of dress. In general, they content them- 
selves with a broad piece of cotton cloth, which is 
wrapped round the middle, and hangs down like a pet- 
ticoat almost to the ground ; to the upper part of this 
are sewed two square pieces, one before, and the other 
behind, which are fastened together over the shoulders. 
The head dress is commonly a bandage of cotton cloth, 
with some parts of it broader than others, which serve 
to conceal the face when they walk in the sun : fre- 
quently, however, when they go abroad, they veil them- 
selves from head to foot. 

The employment of the women varies according to 
their degrees of opulence. Queen Fatima, and a few 
others of high rank, like the great ladies in some parts 
of Europe, pass their time chiefly in conversing with 
their visitors, performing their devotions, or admiring 
their charms in a looking-glass. The women of infe- 
rior class employ themselves in different domestic duties. 
They are very vain and talkative ; and when any thing 
puts them out of humour, they commonly vent their 
anger upon their female slaves, over whom they rule 
with severe and despotic authority, which leads me to 
observe, that the condition of these poor captives is 
deplorably wretched. At daybreak, they are compelled 
to fetch water from the wells in large skins, called 
girbas; and as soon as they have brought water enough 
to serve the family for the day, as well as the horses 
(for the Moors seldom give their horses the trouble of 
going to the wells), they are then employed in pounding 
the corn and dressing the victuals. This being always 
done in the open air, the slaves are exposed to the 
combined heat of the sun, the sand, and the fire. In 
the intervals, it is their business to sweep the tent, 
churn the milk, and perform other domestic offices. 
With all this they are badly fed, and oftentimes cruelly 
punished. 

The men's dress, among the Moors of Ludamar, dif- 
fers but little from that of the negroes, which has been 
already described, except that they have all adopted 
that characteristic of the Mahomedan sect, the turban, 
which is here universally made of white cotton cloth. 
Such of the Moors as have long beards, display them 
with a mixture of pride and satisfaction, as denoting an 
Arab ancestry. Of this number was Ali himself ; but, 
among the generality of the people, the hair is short 
and bushy, and universally black. And here I may be 
permitted to observe, that if any one circumstance ex- 
cited among them favourable thoughts towards my own 
person, it was my beard, which was now grown to an 



36 



MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 



enormous length, and was always beheld with approba- 
tion or envy. I believe, in my conscience, they thought 
it too good a beard for a Christian. 

The only diseases which I observed to prevail among 
the Mpors^ were the intermittent fever and dysentery 
— for the cure of which, nostrums are sometimes admi- 
nistered by their old women, but in general nature 
is left to her own operations. Mention was made to 
me of the small-pox, as being sometimes very destruc- 
tive ; but it had not, to my knowledge, made its appear- 
ance in Ludamar, while I was in captivity. That it 
prevails, however, among some tribes of the Moors, and 
that it is frequently conveyed by them to the negroes 
in the southern states, I was assured on the authority 
of Dr Laidley, who also informed me that the negroes 
on the Gambia practise inoculation. 

The administration of criminal justice, as far as I had 
opportunities of observing, was prompt and decisive : 
for, although civil rights were but little regarded in Lu- 
damar, it was necessary, when crimes were committed, 
that examples should sometimes be made. On such 
occasions, the offender was brought before Ali, who 
pronounced, of his sole authority, what judgment he 
thought proper. But I understood that capital punish- 
ment was seldom or never inflicted, except on the ne- 
groes. 

Although the wealth of the Moors consists chiefly in 
their numerous herds of cattle ; yet, as the pastoral life 
does not afford full employment, the majority of the 
people are perfectly idle, and spend the day in trifling 
conversation about their horses, or in laying schemes 
of depredation on the negro villages. 

The usual place of rendezvous for the indolent is the 
king's tent, where great liberty of speech seems to be 
exercised by the company towards each other ; while, 
in speaking of their chief, they express but one opinion. 
In praise of their sovereign they are unanimous. Songs 
are composed in his honour, which the company fre- 
quently sing in concert — but they are so loaded with 
gross adulation, that no man but a Moorish despot could 
hear them without blushing. The king is distinguished 
by the fineness of his dress — which is composed of blue 
cotton cloth, brought from Tombuctoo, or white linen 
or muslin from Morocco. He has likewise a larger 
tent than any other person, with a white cloth over it ; 
but in his usual intercourse with his subjects, all dis- 
tinctions of rank are frequently forgotten. He some- 
times eats out of the same bowl with his camel driver, 
and reposes himself, during the heat of the day, upon 
the same bed. The expenses of his government and 
household are defrayed by a tax upon his negro sub- 
jects, which is paid by every householder, either in 
corn, cloth, or gold dust; a tax upon the different 
Moorish korrees, or watering-places, which is com- 
monly levied in cattle ; and a tax upon all merchandise 
which passes through the kingdom, and is generally 
collected in kind. But a considerable part of the king's 
revenue arises from the plunder of individuals. The 
negro inhabitants of Ludamar, and the tra veiling mer- 
chants, are afraid of appearing rich ; for Ali, who has 
spies stationed in the different towns to give him in- 
formation concerning the wealth of his subjects, fre- 
quently invents some frivolous plea for seizing their 
property, and reducing the opulent to a level with their 
fellow-citizens. 

Of the number of Ali's Moorish subjects, I had no 
means of forming a correct estimate. The military 
strength of Ludamar consists in cavalry. They are 
well mounted, and appear to be very expert in skir- 
mishing and attacking by surprise. Every soldier fur- 
nishes his own horse, and finds his accoutrements, con- 
sisting of a large sabre, a double-barrelled gun, a small 
red leather bag for holding his balls, and a powder horn 
slung over the shoulder. He has no pay, nor any re- 
muneration but what arises from plunder. This body 
is not very numerous ; for when Ali made war upon 
Bambarra, I was informed that his whole force did not 
exceed two thousand cavalry. They constitute, how- 
ever, by what I could learn, but a very small propor- 
tion of his Moorish subjects. The horses are very 



beautiful, and so highly esteemed, that the negro princes 
will sometimes give from twelve to fourteen slaves for 
one horse. 

Ludamar has for its northern boundary the great 
desert of Sahara. From the best inquiries I could make, 
this vast ocean of sand, which occupies so large a space 
in northern Africa, may be pronounced almost destitute 
of inhabitants, except where the scanty vegetation which 
appears in certain spots, affords pasturage for the flocks 
of a few miserable Arabs, who wander from one well 
to another. In other places, where the supply of water 
and pasturage is more abundant, small parties of the 
Moors have taken up their residence. Here they live, 
in independent poverty, secure from the tyrannical go- 
vernment of Barbary. But the greater part of the 
desert, being totally destitute of water, is seldom visited 
by any human being, unless where the trading cara- 
vans trace out their toilsome and dangerous route 
across it. In some parts of this extensive waste, the 
ground is covered with low stunted shrubs, which serve 
as landmarks for the caravans, and furnish the camels 
with a scanty forage. In other parts the disconsolate 
wanderer, wherever he turns, sees nothing around him 
but a vast interminable expanse of sand and sky — a 
gloomy and barren void, where the eye finds no parti- 
cular object to rest upon, and the mind is filled with 
painful apprehensions of perishing with thirst. " Sur- 
rounded by this dreary solitude, the traveller sees the 
dead bodies of birds, that the violence of the wind has 
brought from happier regions ; and, as he ruminates on 
the fearful length of his remaining passage, listens with 
horror to the voice of the driving blast — the only sound 
that interrupts the awful repose of the desert."* 

The few wild animals which inhabit these melancholy 
regions are the antelope and the ostrich ; their swift- 
ness of foot enabling them to reach the distant water- 
ing-places. On the skirts of the desert, where water 
is more plentiful, are found lions, panthers, elephants, 
and wild boars. 

Of domestic animals, the only one that can endure 
the fatigue of crossing the desert is the camel. By 
the particular conformation of the stomach, he is en- 
abled to carry a supply of water sufficient for ten or 
twelve days ; his broad and yielding foot is well adapted 
for a sandy country ; and, by a singular motion of his 
upper lip, he picks the smallest leaves from the thorny 
shrubs of the desert as he passes along. The camel is, 
therefore, the only beast of burden employed by the 
trading caravans, which traverse the desert in diffe- 
rent directions, from Barbary to Nigritia. As this use- 
ful and docile creature has been sufficiently described 
by systematical writers, it is unnecessary for me to en- 
large upon his properties. I shall only add, that his 
flesh, though to my own taste dry and unsavoury, is 
preferred by the Moors to any other ; and that the 
milk of the female is in universal esteem, and is indeed 
sweet, pleasant, and nutritive. 

I have observed that the Moors, in their complexion, 
resemble the Muiattoes of the West Indies ; but they 
have something unpleasant in their aspect, which the 
Muiattoes have not. I fancied that I discovered in the 
features of most of them a disposition towards ci'uelty 
and low cunning ; and I could never contemplate their 
physiognomy, without feeling sensible uneasiness. From 
the staring wildness of their eyes, a stranger would 
immediately set them down as a nation of lunatics. 
The treachery and malevolence of their character, are 
manifested in their plundering excursions against the 
negro villages. Oftentimes without the smallest pro- 
vocation, and sometimes under the fairest professions 
of friendship, they will suddenly seize upon the negroes' 
cattle, and even on the inhabitants themselves. The 
negroes very seldom retaliate. The enterprising bold- 
ness of the Moors, their knowledge of the country, and, 
above all, the superior fleetness of their horses, make 
them such formidable enemies, that the petty negro 
states which border upon the desert are in continual 
terror while the Moorish tribes are in the vicinity, and 
are too much awed to think of resistance. 

* Proceedings of the African Association, Part I. 



PROCEEDS WITH ALI TO JAR11A. 



Like the roving Arabs, the Moors frequently remove 
from one place to another, according to the season of 
the year, or the convenience of pasturage. In the 
month of February, when the heat of the sun scorches 
up every sort of vegetation in the desert, they strike 
their tents, and approach the negro country to the 
south, where they reside until the rains commence, in 
the month of July. At this time, having purchased 
corn, and other necessaries, from the negroes, in ex- 
change for salt, they again depart to the northward, 
and continue in the desert until the rains are over, and 
that part of the country becomes burnt up and barren. 

This wandering and restless way of life, while it 
inures them to hardships, strengthens at the same time 
the bonds of their little society, and creates in them an 
aversion towards strangers which is almost insur- 
mountable. Cut off from all intercourse with civilised 
nations, and boasting an advantage over the negroes, 
by possessing, though in a very limited degree, the 
knowledge of letters, they are at once the vainest and 
proudest, and perhaps the most bigoted, ferocious, and 
intolerant of all the nations on the earth — combining 
in their character the blind superstition of the negro, 
with the savage cruelty and treachery of the Arab. 

It is probable that many of them had never beheld 
a white man, before my arrival at Benowm ; but they 
had all been taught to regard the 1 Christian name with 
inconceivable abhorrence, and to consider it nearly as 
lawful to murder a European as it would be to kill a dog. 
The melancholy fate of Major Houghton, and the treat- 
ment I experienced during my confinement among them, 
will, I trust, serve as a warning to future travellers to 
avoid this inhospitable district. 

The reader may probably have expected from me a 
more detailed and copious account of the manners, cus- 
toms, superstitions, and prejudices, of this secluded and 
singular people ; but it must not be forgotten, that the 
wretchedness of my situation among them afforded me 
but few opportunities of collecting information. Some 
particulars, however, might be added in this place; 
but being equally applicable to the negroes to the 
southward, they will appear in a subsequent page. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Ali departs for Jarra, and the Author allowed to follow him 
thither. — The Author's faithful Servant, Demha, seized by 
Ali's order, and sent back into Slavery. — Ali returns to his 
Camp, and permits the Author to remain at Jarra, who thence- 
forward meditates his Escape. — Daisy, King of Kaarta, ap- 
proaching with his Army towards Jarra, the inhabitants quit 
the Town, and the Author accompanies them in their Flight. 
—A Party of Moors overtake him at Queira. — He gets away from 
them at Daybreak. — Is again pursued by another Party, and 
robbed ; but finally effects his Escape. 

Having, as hath been related, obtained permission to 
accompany Ali to Jarra, I took leave of Queen Fatima, 
who, with much grace and civility, returned me part 
of my apparel ; and the evening before my departure, 
my horse, with the saddle and bridle, were sent me by 
Ali's order. 

Early on the morning of the 26th of May, I departed 
from the camp of Bubaker, accompanied by my two 
attendants, Johnson and Demba, and a number of 
Moors on horseback ; Ali, with about fifty horsemen, 
having gone privately from the camp during the night. 
We stopped about noon at Farani, and were there 
joined by twelve Moors riding upon camels, and with 
them we proceeded to a watering-place in the woods, 
where we overtook Ali and his fifty horsemen. They 
were lodged in some low shepherds' tents near the 
wells. As the company was numerous, the tents could 
scarcely accommodate us all ; and I was ordered to 
sleep in the open space, in the centre of the tents, where 
every one might observe my motions. Dining the night, 
there was much lightning from the north-east; and 
about daybreak a very heavy sand-wind commenced, 
which continued with great violence until four in the 
afternoon. The quantity of sand which passed to the 



westward, in the course of this day, must have been 
prodigiously great. At times it was impossible to look 
up ; and the cattle were so tormented by the particles 
lodging in their ears and eyes, that they ran about like 
mad creatures, and I was in continual danger of being 
trampled to death by them. 

May 28th. — Early in the morning the Moors saddled 
their horses, and Ali's chief slave ordered me to get in 
readiness. In a little time the same messenger re- 
turned, and, taking my boy by the shoulder, told him 
in the Mandingo language, that " Ali was to be his 
master in future ;" and then turning to me, " The busi- 
ness is settled at last," said he ; "the boy, and every 
thing but your horse, goes back to Bubaker, but you 
may take the old fool (meaning Johnson the interpreter) 
with you to Jarra." I made him no answer ; but being 
shocked beyond description at the idea of losing the 
poor boy, I hastened to Ali, who was at breakfast before 
his tent, surrounded by many of his courtiers. I told 
him (perhaps in rather too passionate a strain), that 
whatever imprudence I had been guilty of in coming 
into his country, I thought I had already been suffi- 
ciently punished for it by being so long detained, and 
then plundered of all my little property; which, how- 
ever, gave me no uneasiness, when compared with what 
he had just now done to me. I observed, that the boy 
whom he had now seized upon, was not a slave, and had 
been accused of no offence : he was indeed one of my 
attendants, and his faithful services in that station had 
procured him his freedom : his fidelity and attachment 
had made him follow me into my present situation ; and 
as he looked up to me for protection, I could not see 
him deprived of his liberty, without remonstrating 
against such an act as the height of cruelty and in- 
justice. Ali made no reply, but with a haughty air and 
malignant smile, told his interpreter, that if I did not 
mount my horse immediately, he would send me back 
likewise. There is something in the frown of a tyrant 
which rouses the most secret emotions of the heart : I 
could not suppress my feelings; and for once enter- 
tained an indignant wish to rid the world of such a 
monster. 

Poor Demba was not less affected than myself : he 
had formed a strong attachment towards me, and had 
a cheerfulness of disposition which often beguiled the 
tedious hours of captivity ; he was likewise a pro- 
ficient in the Bambarra tongue, and promised on that 
account to be of great utility to me in future. But it 
was in vain to expect any thing favourable to humanity 
from people who are strangers to its dictates. So, 
having shaken hands with this unfortunate boy, and 
blended my tears with his, assuring him, however, that 
I would do my utmost to redeem him, I saw him led off 
by three of Ali's slaves towards the camp at Bubaker. 

When the Moors had mounted their horses, I was 
ordered to follow them ; and after a toilsome journey 
through the woods, in a very sultry day, we arrived in 
the afternoon at a walled village called Doombani, where 
we remained two days, waiting for the arrival of some 
horsemen from the northward. 

On the 1st of June, we departed from Doombani 
towards Jarra. Our company now amounted to two 
hundred men, all on horseback — for the Moors never 
use infantry in their wars. They appeared capable of 
enduring great fatigue ; but from their total want of 
discipline, our journey to Jarra was more like a fox- 
chase than the march of an army. 

At Jarra, I took up my lodging at the house of my 
old acquaintance, Daman Jumma, and informed him of 
every thing that had befallen me. I particularly 
requested him to use his interest with Ali to redeem 
my boy, and promised him a bill upon Dr Laidley for 
the value of two slaves, the moment he brought him to 
Jarra. Daman very readily undertook to negotiate the 
business, but found that Ali considered the boy as my 
principal interpreter, and was unwilling to part with 
him, lest he should fall a second time into my hands, 
and bo instrumental in conducting me to Bambarra. 
Ali therefore put off the matter from day to day, but 
withal told Daman, that if he wished to purchase tho 



38 



DISTRESSING SITUATION AT JARRA. 



boy for himself, he should have him thereafter at the 
common price of a slave, which Daman agreed to pay 
for him whenever Ali should send him to Jarra. 

The chief object of Ali, in this journey to Jarra, as I 
have already related, was to procure money from such 
of the Kaartans as had taken refuge in his country. 
Some of these had solicited his protection, to avoid the 
horrors of war, but by far the greatest number of them 
were dissatisfied men, who wished the ruin of their own 
sovereign. These people no sooner heard that the Bam- 
barra army had returned to Sego without subduing 
Daisy, as was generally expected, than they resolved to 
make a sudden attack themselves upon him, before he 
could recruit his forces, which were now known to be 
much diminished by a bloody campaign, and in great want 
of provisions. With this view, they solicited the Moors 
to join them, and offered to hire of Ali two hundred 
horsemen, which Ali, with the warmest professions of 
friendship, agreed to furnish, upon condition that they 
should previously supply him with four hundred head 
of cattle, two hundred garments of blue cloth, and a 
considerable quantity of beads and ornaments. The 
raising this impost somewhat perplexed them; and in 
order to procure the cattle, they persuaded the king 
to demand one-half of the stipulated number from the 
people of Jarra, promising to replace them in a short 
time. Ali agreed to this proposal, and the same even- 
ing (June 2d) the drum was sent through the town, 
and the crier announced, that if any person suffered his 
cattle to go into the woods the next morning, before 
the king had chosen his quota of them, his house should 
be plundered, and his slaves taken from him. The 
people dared not disobey the proclamation ; and next 
morning about two hundred of their best cattle were 
selected, and delivered to the Moors : the full comple- 
ment was made up afterwards, by means equally unjust 
and arbitrary. 

June 8th. — In the afternoon, Ali sent his chief slave 
to inform me that he was about to return to Bubaker ; 
but as he would only stay there a few days to keep the 
approaching festival (banna salee), and then return to 
Jarra, I had permission to remain with Daman until 
his return. This was joyful news to me ; but I had 
experienced so many disappointments that I was un- 
willing to indulge the hope of its being true, until 
Johnson came and told me that Ali, with part of the 
horsemen, were actually gone from the town, and that 
the rest were to follow him in the morning. 

June 9th. — Early in the morning the remainder of 
the Moors departed from the town. They had, during 
their stay, committed many acts of robbery ; and this 
morning, with the most unparalleled audacity, they 
seized upon three girls, who were bringing water from 
the wells, and carried them away into slavery. 

The anniversary of banna salee at Jarra, very well 
deserved to be called a festival. The slaves were all 
finely clad on this occasion, and the householders vied 
with each other in providing large quantities of victuals, 
which they distributed to all their neighbours with the 
greatest profusion : hunger was literally banished from 
the town ; man, woman, and child, bond and free, all 
had as much as they could eat. 

June 12th. — Two people, dreadfully wounded, were 
discovered at a watering-place in the woods ; one of 
them had just breathed his last, but the other was 
brought alive to Jarra. On recovering a little, he in- 
formed the people that he had fled through the woods 
from Kasson ; that Daisy had made war upon Sambo, 
the king of that country ; had surprised three of his 
towns, and put all the inhabitants to the sword. He 
enumerated by name many of the friends of the Jarra 
people, who had been murdered in Kasson. This in- 
telligence made the death-howl universal in Jarra for 
the space of two days. 

This piece of bad news was followed by another not 
less distressing. A number of runaway slaves arrived 
from Kaarta on the 14th, and reported that Daisy, 
having received information concerning the intended 
attack upon him, was about to visit Jarra. Tins made 
the negroes call upon Ali for the two hundred horse- 



men, which he was to furnish them, according to en- 
gagement. But Ali paid very little attention to their 
remonstrances, and at last plainly told them, that his 
cavalry were otherwise employed. The negroes, thus 
deserted by the Moors, and fully apprised that the 
king of Kaarta would show them as little clemency as 
he had shown the inhabitants of Kasson, resolved to 
collect all their forces, and hazard a battle before the 
king, who was now in great distress for want of provi- 
sions, should become too powerful for them. They 
therefore assembled about eight hundred effective men 
in the whole, and with these they entered Kaarta on 
the evening of the 1 8th of June. 

June 19th. — This morning the wind shifted to the 
south-west ; and about two o'clock in the afternoon we 
had a heavy tornado, or thunder-squall, accompanied 
with rain, which greatly revived the face of nature, and 
gave a pleasant coolness to the air. This was the first 
rain that had fallen for many months. 

As every attempt to redeem my boy had hitherto 
been unsuccessful, and in all probability would con- 
tinue to prove so whilst I remained in the country, 
I found that it was necessary for me to come to some 
determination concerning my own safety, before the 
rains should be fully set in ; for my landlord, seeing 
no likelihood of being paid for his trouble, began to 
wish me away — and Johnson, my interpreter, refusing 
to proceed, my situation became very perplexing. If 
I continued where I was, I foresaw that I must soon 
fall a victim to the barbarity of the Moors ; and yet, if 
I went forward singly, it was evident that I must sus- 
tain great difficulties, both from the want of means to 
purchase the necessaries of life, and of an interpreter 
to make myself understood. On the other hand, to 
return to England without accomplishing the object of 
my mission, was worse than either. I therefore deter- 
mined to avail myself of the first opportunity of escap- 
ing, and to proceed directly for Bambarra, as soon as 
the rains had set in for a few days, so as to afford me 
the certainty of finding water in the woods. 

Such was my situation, when, on the evening of the 
24th of June, I was startled by the report of some 
muskets close to the town, and, inquiring the reason, 
was informed that the Jarra army had returned from 
fighting Daisy, and that this firing was by way of re- 
joicing. However, when the chief men of the town 
had assembled, and heard a full detail of the expedition, 
they were by no means relieved from their uneasiness 
on Daisy's account. The deceitful Moors having drawn 
back from the confederacy, after being hired by the 
negroes, greatly dispirited the insurgents, who, instead 
of finding Daisy with a few friends concealed in the 
strong fortress of Gedingooma, had found him at a town 
near Joka, in the open country, surrounded by so nu- 
merous an army that every attempt to attack him was 
at once given up ; and the confederates only thought of 
enriching themselves by the plunder of the small towns 
in the neighbourhood. They accordingly fell upon one 
of Daisy's towns, and carried off the whole of the inha- 
bitants ; but lest intelligence of this might reach Daisy, 
and induce him to cut off their retreat, they returned 
through the woods by night, bringing with them the 
slaves and cattle which they had captured. 

June 26th. — This afternoon, a spy from Kaarta 
brought the alarming intelligence, that Daisy had taken 
Simbing in the morning, and would be in Jarra some 
time in the course of the ensuing day. A number of 
people were immediately stationed on the tops of the 
rocks, and in the different passages leading into the 
town, to give early intelligence of Daisy's motions, and 
the women set about making the necessary prepara- 
tions for quitting the town as soon as possible. They 
continued beating corn, and packing up different ar- 
ticles, during the night; and early in the morning, 
nearly one-half of the townspeople took the road for 
Bambarra, by the way of Deena. 

Their departure was very affecting — the women and 
children crying — the men sullen and dejected — and all 
of them looking back with regret on their native town, 
and on the wells and rocks, beyond which their ambi- 



ESCAPES FROM CAPTIVITY. 



39 



tion had never tempted them to stray, and where they 
had laid all their plans of future happiness — all of 
which they were now forced to abandon, and to seek 
shelter among strangers. 

June 27th. — About eleven o'clock in the forenoon, we 
were alarmed by the sentinels, who brought informa- 
tion that Daisy was on his march towards Jarra, and 
that the confederate army had fled before him without 
firing a gun. The terror of the townspeople on this 
occasion is not easily to be described. Indeed, the 
screams of the women and children, and the great hurry 
and confubion that every where prevailed, made me 
suspect that the Kaartans had already entered the town; 
and although I had every reason to be pleased with 
Daisy's behaviour to me when I was at Kemmoo, I had 
no wish to expose myself to the mercy of his army, who 
might, in the general confusion, mistake me for a Moor. 
I therefore mounted my horse, and taking a large bag 
of corn before me, rode slowly along with the towns- 
people, until we reached the foot of a rocky hill, where 
I dismounted, and drove my horse up before me. When 
I had reached the summit, I sat down, and having a full 
view of the town and the neighbouring country, could 
not help lamenting the situation of the poor inhabitants, 
who were thronging after me, driving their sheep, cows, 
goats, &c, and carrying a scanty portion of provisions, 
and a few clothes. There was a great noise and crying 
every where upon the road ; for many aged people and 
children were unable to walk, and these, with the sick, 
were obliged to be carried, otherwise they must have 
been left to certain destruction. 

About five o'clock we arrived at a small farm be- 
longing to the Jarra people, called Kadeeja ; and here 
I found Daman and Johnson employed in filling large 
bags of corn, to be carried upon bullocks, to serve as 
provisions for Daman's family on the road. 

June 28th. — At daybreak we departed from Kadeeja, 
and, having passed Troongoomba without stopping, ar- 
rived in the afternoon at Queira. I remained here 
two days in order to recruit my horse, which the Moors 
had reduced to a perfect Rosinante, and to wait for the 
arrival of some Mandingo negroes, who were going for 
Bambarra in the course of a few days. 

On the afternoon of the 1st of July, as I was tending 
my horse in the fields, Ali's chief slave and four Moors 
arrived at Queira, and took up their lodging at the 
dooty's house. My interpreter, Johnson, who suspected 
the nature of this visit, sent two boys to overhear their 
conversation; from which he learnt that they were 
sent to convey me back to Bubaker. The same even- 
ing, two of the Moors came privately to look at my 
horse, and one of them proposed taking it to the dooty's 
hut, but the other observed that such a precaution was 
unnecessary, as I could never escape upon such an ani- 
mal. They then inquired where I slept, and returned 
to their companions. 

All this was like a stroke of thunder to me, for I 
dreaded nothing so much as confinement again among 
the Moors, from whose barbarity I had nothing but 
death to expect. I therefore determined to set off im- 
mediately for Bambarra — a measure which I thought 
offered almost the only chance of saving my life, and 
gaining the object of my mission. I communicated the 
design to Johnson, who, although he applauded my re- 
solution, was so far from showing any inclination to 
accompany me, that he solemnly protested, he would 
rather forfeit his wages than go any farther. He told 
me that Daman had agreed to give him half the price 
of a slave for his service to assist in conducting a coffle 
of slaves to Gambia, and that he was determined to em- 
brace the opportunity of returning to his wife and family. 

Having no hopes, therefore, of persuading him to ac- 
company me, I resolved to proceed by myself. About 
midnight I got my clothes in readiness, which consisted 
of two shirts, two pair of trousers, two pocket handker- 
chiefs, an upper and under waistcoat, a hat, and a pair 
of half-boots ; these, with a cloak, constituted my whole 
wardrobe. And I had not one single bead, nor any 
other article of value in my possession, to purchase 
victuals for myself or corn for my horse. 



About daybreak, Johnson, who had been listening to 
the Moors all night, came and whispered to me that 
they were asleep. The awful crisis was now arrived 
when I was again either to taste the blessing of free- 
dom, or languish out my days in captivity. A cold sweat 
moistened my forehead as I thought on the dreadful 
alternative, and reflected, that, one way or the other, 
my fate must be decided in the course of the ensuing 
day. But to deliberate was to lose the only chance of 
escaping. So, taking up my bundle, I stepped gently 
over the negroes, who were sleeping in the open air, 
and having mounted my horse, I bade Johnson farewell, 
desiring him to take particular care of the papers I had 
entrusted him with, and inform my friends in Gambia 
that he had left me in good health, on my way to Bam- 
barra. 

I proceeded with great caution — surveying each 
bush, and frequently listening and looking behind me 
for the Moorish horsemen — until I was about a mile 
from the town, when I was surprised to find myself in 
the neighbourhood of a korree belonging to the Moors. 
The shepherds followed me for about a mile, hooting 
and throwing stones after me ; and when I was out of 
their reach, and had begun to indulge the pleasing hopes 
of escaping, I was again greatly alarmed to hear some- 
body holloa behind me, and, looking back, I saw three 
Moors on horseback, coming after me at full speed, 
hooping and brandishing their double-barrelled guns. 
I knew it was in vain to think of escaping, and there- 
fore turned back and met them : when two of them 
caught hold of my bridle, one on each side, and the 
third, presenting his musket, told me I must go back to 
Ali. When the human mind has for some time been 
fluctuating between hope and despair, tortured with 
anxiety, and hurried from one extreme to another, it 
affords a sort of gloomy relief to know the worst that 
can possibly happen : such was my situation. An in- 
difference about life, and all its enjoyments, had com- 
pletely benumbed my faculties, and I rode back with 
the Moors with apparent unconcern. But a change 
took place much sooner than I had any reason to ex- 
pect. In passing through some thick bushes, one of 
the Moors ordered me to untie my bundle, and show 
them the contents. Having examined the different 
articles, they found nothing worth taking except my 
cloak, which they considered as a very valuable acqui- 
sition, and one of them pulling it from me, wrapped it 
about himself. This cloak had been of great use to 
me — it served to cover me from the rains in the day, 
and to protect me from the musquitoes in the night ; I 
therefore earnestly begged him to return it, and fol- 
lowed him some little way to obtain it ; but without 
paying any attention to my request, he and one of his 
companions rode off with their prize. When I at- 
tempted to follow them, the third, who had remained 
with me, struck my horse over the head, and, present- 
ing his musket, told me I should proceed no farther. 
I now perceived that these men had not been sent by 
any authority to apprehend me, but had pursued me 
solely with the view to rob and plunder me. Turning my 
horse's head therefore once more towards the east, and 
observing the Moor follow the track of his confederates, 
I congratulated myself on having escaped with my 
life, though in great distress, from such a horde of bar- 
barians. 

I was no sooner out of sight of the Moor, than I 
struck into the woods to prevent being pursued, and 
kept pushing on, with all possible speed, until I found 
myself near some high rocks, which I remembered to 
have seen in my former route from Queira to Deena ; 
and directing my course a little to the northward, I 
fortunately fell in with the path. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The Author feols great Joy at his Deliverance, and proceeds 
through tho Wilderness, but finds his Situation very deplor- 
able. — Suffers greatly from Thirst, and faints on the Sand. — 
Recovers, and makes another Effort to push forward.— Is pro- 



40 



ADVENTURES ON ESCAPING FROM CAPTIVITY. 



videntially relieved by a fall of Rain.— Arrives at a Foulah 
Village, where he is refused Relief by the Dooty, but obtains 
Tood from a poor Woman.— Continues his Journey through the 
AVilderness, and the next Day lights on another Foulah "Village, 
where he is hospitably received by one of the Shepherds. — 
Arrives on the third Day at a Negro Town called Wawra, 
tributary to the King of Bambarra. 

It is impossible to describe the joy that arose in my 
mind, when I looked around and concluded that I was 
out of danger. I felt like one recovered from sickness ; 
I breathed freer; I found unusual lightness in my 
limbs ; even the desert looked pleasant ; and I dreaded 
nothing so much as falling hi with some wandering 
parties of Moors, who might convey me back to the 
land of thieves and murderers from which I had just 
escaped. 

I soon became sensible, however, that my situation 
was very deplorable, for 1 had no means of procuring 
food, nor prospect of finding water. About ten o'clock, 
perceiving a herd of goats feeding close to the road, I 
took a circuitous route to avoid being seen ; and con- 
tinued travelling through the wilderness, directing my 
course, by compass, nearly east-south-east, in order to 
reach, as soon as possible, some town or village of the 
kingdom of Bambarra. 

A little after noon, when the burning heat of the sun 
was reflected with double violence from the hot sand, 
and the distant ridges of the hills, seen through the 
ascending vapour, seemed to wave and fluctuate like 
the unsettled sea, I became faint with thirst, and 
climbed a tree in hopes of seeing distant smoke, or 
some other appearance of a human habitation — but in 
vain: nothing appeared all around but thick underwood, 
and hillocks of white sand. 

About four o'clock I came suddenly upon a large 
herd of goats, and, pulling my horse into a bush, I 
watched to observe if the keepers were Moors or 
negroes. In a little time I perceived two Moorish 
boys, and with some difficulty persuaded them to ap- 
proach me. They informed me that the herd belonged 
to AH, and that they were going to Deena, where the 
water was more plentiful, and where they intended to 
stay until the rain had filled the pools in the desert. 
They showed me their empty water-skins, and told me 
that they had seen no water in the woods. This account 
afforded me but little consolation ; however, it was in 
vain to repine, and I pushed on as fast as possible, in 
hopes of reaching some watering-place in the course of 
the night. My thirst was by this time become insuffer- 
able ; my mouth was parched and inflamed ; a sudden 
dimness would frequently come over my eyes, with 
other symptoms of fainting ; and my horse being very 
much fatigued, I began seriously to apprehend that I 
should perish of thirst. To relieve the burning pain in 
my mouth and throat, I chewed the leaves of different 
shrubs, but found them all bitter, and of no service to 
me. 

A little before sunset, having reached the top of a 
gentle rising, I climbed a high tree, from the topmost 
branches of which I cast a melancholy look over the 
barren wilderness, but without discovering the most 
distant trace of a human dwelling. The same dismal 
uniformity of shrubs and sand every where presented 
itself, and the horizon was as level and uninterrupted 
as that of the sea. 

Descending from the tree, I found my horse devour- 
ing the stubble and brushwood with great avidity ; and 
as I was now too faint to attempt walking, and my horse 
too much fatigued to carry me, I thought it but an act 
of humanity, and perhaps the last I should ever have 
it in my power to perform, to take off his bridle and let 
him shift for himself; in doing which I was suddenly 
affected with sickness and giddiness, and, falling upon 
the sand, felt as if the hour of death was fast approach- 
ing. Here, then, thought I, after a short but ineffec- 
tual struggle, terminate all my hopes of being useful in 
my day and generation : here must the short span of 
my life come to an end. I cast (as I believed) a last 
look on the surrounding scene, and, whilst I reflected 
on the awful chaDge that was about to take place, this 



world with its enjoyments seemed to vanish from my 
recollection. Nature, however, at length resumed its 
functions, and on recovering my senses, I found myself 
stretched upon the sand, with the bridle still in my 
hand, and the sun just sinking behind the trees. I now 
summoned all my resolution, and determined to make 
another effort to prolong my existence ; and as the 
evening was somewhat cool, I resolved to travel as far 
as my limbs would carry me, in hopes of reaching (my 
only resource) a watering-place. With this view, I put 
the bridle on my horse, and driving him before me, went 
slowly along for about an hour, when I perceived some 
lightning from the north-east — a most delightful sight, 
for it promised rain. The darkness and lightning 
increased very rapidly, and in less than an hour I 
heard the wind roaring among the bushes. I had 
already opened my mouth to receive the refreshing 
drops which I expected, but I was instantly covered 
with a cloud of sand, driven with such force by the 
wind as to give a very disagreeable sensation to my 
face and arms, and I was obliged to mount my horse, 
and stop under a bush, to prevent being suffocated. 
The sand continued to fly in amazing quantities for 
nearly an hour, after which I again set forward, and 
travelled with difficulty until ten o'clock. About this 
time I was agreeably surprised by some very vivid 
flashes of lightning, followed by a few heavy drops of 
rain. In a little time the sand ceased to fly, and I 
alighted, and spread out all my clean clothes to collect 
the rain, which at length I saw would certainly fall. 
For more than an hour it rained plentifully, and I 
quenched my thirst by wringing and sucking my clothes. 

There being no moon, it was remarkably dark, so 
that I was obliged to lead my horse, and direct my way 
by the compass, which the lightning enabled me to 
observe. In this manner I travelled with tolerable 
expedition until past midnight, when, the lightning 
becoming more distant, I was under the necessity of 
groping along, to the no small danger of my hands and 
eyes. About two o'clock my horse started at some- 
thing, and looking round, I was not a little surprised 
to see a light at a short distance among the trees ; and 
supposing it to be a town, I groped along the sand in 
hopes of finding corn-stalks, cotton, or other appear- 
ances of cultivation, but found none. As I approached, 
I perceived a number of other lights in different places, 
and began to susppct that I had fallen upon a party of 
Moors. However, in my present situation, I was re- 
solved to see who they were, if I could do it with safety. 
I accordingly led my horse cautiously towards the light, 
and heard, by the lowing of the cattle, and the clamo- 
rous tongues of the herdsmen, that it was a watering- 
place, and most likely belonged to the Moors. De- 
lightful as the sound of the human voice was to me, 1 
resolved once more to strike into the woods, and rather 
run the risk of perishing of hunger than trust myself 
again in their hands ; but being still thirsty, and dread- 
ing the approach of the burning day, I thought it pru- 
dent to search for the wells, which I expected to find 
at no great distance. In this pursuit, I inadvertently 
approached so near to one of the tents as to be per- 
ceived by a woman, who immediately screamed out. 
Two people came running to her assistance from some 
of the neighbouring tents, and passed so very near to 
me that I thought I was discovered, and hastened again 
into the woods. 

About a mile from this place, I heard a loud and 
confused noise somewhere to the right of my course, 
and in a short time was happy to find it was the croak- 
ing of frogs, which was heavenly music to my ears. I 
followed the sound, and at daybreak arrived at some 
shallow muddy pools, so full of frogs that it was diffi- 
cult to discern the water. The noise they made fright- 
ened my horse, and I was obliged to keep them quiet, 
by beating the water with a branch, until he had drunk. 
Having here quenched my thirst, I ascended a tree, 
and the morning being calm, I soon perceived the 
smoke of the watering-place which I had passed in the 
night, and observed another pillar of smoke east-south- 
east, distant twelve or fourteen miles. Towards this I 



ADVENTURES CONTINUED— ARRIVES AT WAWRA. 



41 



directed my route, and reached the cultivated ground 
a little before eleven o'clock, where, seeing a number 
of negroes at work planting corn, I inquired the name 
of the town, and was informed that it was a Foulah 
village belonging to Ali, called Shrilla. I had now 
some doubts about entering it ; but my horse being 
very much fatigued, and the day growing hot — not to 
mention the pangs of hunger which began to assail 
me — I resolved to venture ; and accordingly rode up to 
the dooty's house, where I was unfortunately denied 
admittance, and could not obtain even a handful of 
corn, either for myself or horse. Turning from this 
inhospitable door, I rode slowly out of the town, and, 
perceiving some low scattered huts without the walls, 
I directed my route towards them, knowing that in 
Africa, as well as in Europe, hospitality does not always 
prefer the highest dwellings. At the door of one of 
these huts, an old motherly-looking woman sat, spin- 
ning cotton. I made signs to her that I was hungry, 
and inquired if she had any victuals with her in the 
hut. She immediately laid down her distaff, and de- 
sired me, in Arabic, to come in. When I had seated 
myself upon the floor, she set before me a dish of 
kouskous that had been left the preceding night, of 
which I made a tolerable meal ; and in return for this 
kindness I gave her one of my pocket handkerchiefs, 
begging at the same time a little corn for my horse, 
which she readily brought me. 

Overcome with joy at so unexpected a deliverance, 
I lifted up my eyes to heaven, and, whilst my heart 
swelled with gratitude, I returned thanks to that gra- 
cious and bountiful Being whose power had supported 
me under so many dangers, and had now spread for 
me a table in the wilderness. 

Whilst my horse was feeding, the people began to 
assemble, and one of them whispered something to my 
hostess which very much excited her surprise. Though 
I was not well acquainted with the Foulah language, I 
soon discovered that some of the men wished to appre- 
hend and carry me back to Ali, in hopes, I suppose, of 
receiving a reward. I therefore tied up the corn ; and 
lest any one should suspect I had run away from the 
Moors, I took a northerly direction, and went cheerfully 
along, driving my horse before me, followed by all the 
boys and girls of the town. When I had travelled 
about two miles, and got quit of all my troublesome 
attendants, I struck again into the woods, and took 
shelter under a large tree, where I found it necessary 
to rest myself — a bundle of twigs serving me for a bed, 
and my saddle for ,a pillow. 

I was awakened about two o'clock by three Foulahs, 
who, taking me for a Moor, pointed to the sun, and told 
me it was time to pray. Without entering into con- 
versation with them, I saddled my horse, and continued 
my journey. I travelled over a level, but more fertile 
country, than I had seen for some time, until sunset, 
when, coming to a path that took aisoutherly direction, 
I followed it until midnight, at which time I arrived at 
a small pool of rain-water, and the wood being open, I 
determined to rest by it for the night. Having given 
my horse the remainder of the corn, I made my bed 
as formerly ; but the musquitoes and flies from the pool 
prevented sleep for some time, and I was twice dis- 
turbed in the night by wild beasts, which came very 
near, and whose bowlings kept my horse in continual 
terror. 

July 4th. — At daybreak I pursued my course through 
the woods as formerly ; saw numbers of antelopes, wild 
hogs, and ostriches — but the soil was more hilly, and 
not so fertile as I had found it the preceding day. 
About eleven o'clock I ascended an eminence, where I 
climbed a tree, and discovered at about eight miles dis- 
tance an open part of the country, with several red 
spots, which I concluded were cultivated land, and, di- 
recting my course that way, came to the precincts of a 
watering place about one o'clock. From the appear- 
ance of the place, I judged it to belong to the Foulahs, 
and was hopeful that I should meet a better reception 
than I had experienced at Shrilla. In this I was not 
deceived, for one of the shepherds invited me to come 



into his tent, and partake of some dates. This was 
one of those low Foulah tents in which there is room 
just sufficient to sit upright, and in which the fa- 
mily, the furniture, &c, seem huddled together like so 
many articles in a chest. When I had crept upon my 
hands and knees into this humble habitation, I found 
that it contained a woman and three children, who, 
together with the shepherd and myself, completely oc- 
cupied the floor. A dish of boiled corn and dates was 
produced, and the master of the family, as is customary 
in this part of the country, first tasted it himself and 
then desired me to follow his example. Whilst I was 
eating, the children kept their eyes fixed upon me, and 
no sooner did the shepherd pronounce the word Naza- 
rani, than they began to cry, and their mother crept 
slowly towards the door, out of which she sprang like a 
greyhound, and was instantly followed by her children. 
So frightened were they at the very name of a Christian, 
that no entreaties could induce them to approach the 
tent. Here I purchased some corn for my horse, in 
exchange for some brass buttons, and having thanked 
the shepherd for his hospitality, struck again into the 
woods. At sunset, I came to a road that took the di- 
rection for Bambarra, and resolved to follow it for the 
night — but about eight o'clock, hearing some people 
coming from the southward, I thought it prudent to 
hide myself among some thick bushes near the road. 
As these thickets are generally full of wild beasts, I 
found my situation rather unpleasant — sitting in the dark, 
holding my horse by the nose with both hands, to pre- 
vent him from neighing, and equally afraid of the natives 
without and the wild beasts within. My fears, however, 
were soon dissipated — for the people, after looking round 
the thicket and perceiving nothing, went away, and I 
hastened to the more open parts of the wood, where I 
pursued my journey east-south-east, until past midnight, 
when the joyful cry of frogs induced me once more to 
deviate a little from my route, in order to quench my 
thirst. Having accomplished this from a large pool of 
rain water, I sought for an open place, with a single tree 
in the midst, under which I made my bed for the night. 
I was disturbed by some wolves towards morning, which 
induced me to set forward a little before day — and hav- 
ing passed a small village called Wassalita, I came about 
ten o'clock (July 5th) to a negro town called Wawra, 
which properly belongs to Kaarta, but was at this time 
tributary to Mansong, king of Bambarra. 



CHAPTER XV. 

The Author proceeds to Wassiboo.— Is joined by some fugitive 
Kaartans, who accompany him in his Route through Bam- 
barra.— Discovers the Niger.— Some Account of Scgo, the Ca- 
pital of Bambarra.— Mansong, the King, refuses to see tho 
Author, but sends him a Present.— Great Hospitality of a Negro 
Woman. 

Wawra is a small town surrounded with high walls, 
and inhabited by a mixture of Mandingoes and Foulahs. 
The inhabitants employ themselves chiefly in cultivating 
corn, which they exchange with the Moors for salt. 
Here, being in security from the Moors, and very much 
fatigued, I resolved to rest myself ; and meeting with 
a hearty welcome from the dooty, whose name was 
Flancharee, I laid myself down upon a bullock's hide, 
and slept soundly for about two hours. The curiosity 
of the people would not allow me to sleep any longer. 
They had seen my saddle and bridle, and were assembled 
in great numbers to learn who I was, and whence I 
came. Some were of opinion that I was an Arab ; 
others insisted that I was some Moorish sultan : and 
they continued to debate the matter with such warmth 
that the noise awoke me. The dooty (who had for- 
merly been at Gambia) at last interposed in my behalf, 
and assured them that I was certainly a white man ; 
but he was convinced, from my appearance, that I was 
a very poor one. 

In the course of the day, several women, hearing that 
I was going to Sego, came and begged me to inquire of 
Mansong, the king, what was become of their children. 



42 



WASSIBOO— GALLOO-DALTIBOO. 



One woman, in particular, told me that her son's name 
was Mamadee — that he was no heathen, but prayed to 
God morning and evening — and had been taken from 
her about three years ago by Mansong's army, since 
which she had never heard of him. She said, she often 
dreamed about him ; and begged me, if I should see 
him, either in Bambarra or in my own country, to tell 
him that his mother and sister were still alive. In the 
afternoon, the dooty examined the contents of the leather 
bag in which I had packed up my clothes ; but finding 
nothing that was worth taking, he returned it, and told 
me to depart in the morning. 

July 6th. — It rained very much in the night, and at 
daylight I departed, in company with a negro, who was 
going to a town called Dingyee for corn ; but we had 
not proceeded above a mile, before the ass upon which 
he rode threw him off, and he returned, leaving me to 
prosecute the journey by myself. 

I reached Dingyee about noon ; but the dooty and most 
of the inhabitants had gone into the fields to cultivate 
corn. An old Foulah, observing me wandering about 
the town, desired me to come to his hut, where I was 
well entertained : and the dooty, when he returned, sent 
me some victuals for myself, and corn for my horse. 

July 7th. — In the morning, when I was about to 
depart, my landlord, with a great deal of diffidence, 
begged me to give him a lock of my hair. He had been 
told, he said, that white men's hair made a saphie, that 
would "give to the possessor all the knowledge of white 
men. I had never before heard of so simple a mode 
of education, but instantly complied with the request ; 
and my landlord's thirst for learning was such, that, 
with cutting and pulling, he cropped one side of my 
head pretty closely; and would have done the same 
with the other, had I not signified my disapprobation 
by putting on my hat, and assuring him, that I wished 
to reserve some of this precious merchandise for a 
future occasion. 

I reached a small town called Wassiboo about twelve 
o'clock, where I was obliged to stop until an oppor- 
tunity should offer of procuring a guide to Satile, which 
is distant a very long day's journey, through woods 
without any beaten path. I accordingly took up my 
residence at the dooty's house, where I staid four days, 
during which time I amused myself by going to the 
fields with the family to plant corn. Cultivation is 
carried on here on a very extensive scale ; and, as the 
natives themselves express it, "hunger is never known." 
In cultivating the soil, the men and women work to- 
gether. They use a large sharp hoe, much superior 
to that used in Gambia ; but they are obliged, for fear 
of the Moors, to carry their arms with them to the field. 
The master, with the handle of his spear, marks the 
field into regular plats, one of which is assigned to 
every three slaves. 

On the evening of the 11th, eight of the fugitive 
Kaartans arrived at Wassiboo. They had found it im- 
possible to live under the tyrannical government of the 
Moors, and were now going to transfer their allegiance 
to the king of Bambarra. They offered to take me along 
with them as far as SatilC, and I accepted the offer. 

July 12th. — At daybreak we set out, and travelled 
with uncommon expedition until sunset. We stopped 
only twice in the course of the day ; once at a watering- 
place in the woods, and another time at the ruins of a 
town, formerly belonging to Daisy, called Illa-Compe 
(the corn town). When we arrived in the neighbour- 
hood of Satile', the people who were employed in the 
corn fields, seeing so many horsemen, took us for a 
party of Moors, and ran screaming away from us. The 
whole town was instantly alarmed, and the slaves were 
seen, in every direction, driving the cattle and horses 
towards the town. It was in vain that one of our com- 
pany galloped up to undeceive them — it only frightened 
them the more ; and when we arrived at the town, we 
found the gates shut, and the people all under arms. 
After a long parley, we were permitted to enter ; and 
as there was every appearance of a heavy tornado, the 
dooty allowed us to sleep in his baloon, and gave us 
each a bullock's hide for a bed. 



July 13th. — Early in the morning we again set for- 
ward. The roads were wet and slippery, but the country 
was very beautiful, abounding with rivulets, which were 
increased by the rain into rapid streams. About ten 
o'clock we came to the ruins of a village which had 
been destroyed by war about six months before ; and 
in order to prevent any town from being built there in 
future, the large bentang tree, under which the natives 
spent the day, had been burnt down, the wells filled up, 
and every thing that could make the spot desirable com- 
pletely destroyed. 

About noon, my horse was so much fatigued that I 
could not keep up with my companions ; I therefore 
dismounted, and desired them to ride on, telling them 
that I would follow as soon as my horse had rested a 
little. But I found them unwilling to leave me ; the 
lions, they said, were very numerous in those parts, 
and though they might not so readily attack a body of 
people, they would soon find out an individual : it was 
therefore agreed, that one of the company should stay 
with me to assist in driving my horse, while the others 
passed on to Galloo to procure lodgings, and collect 
grass for the horses before night. Accompanied by this 
worthy negro, I drove my horse before me until about 
four o'clock, when we came in sight of Galloo, a con- 
siderable town, standing in a fertile and beautiful 
valley surrounded with high rocks. 

As my companions had thoughts of settling in this 
neighbourhood, they had a fine sheep given them by 
the dooty ; and I was fortunate enough to procure plenty 
of corn for my horse. Here they blow upon elephants' 
teeth when they announce evening prayers, in the same 
manner as at Kemmoo. 

Early next morning (July 14th), having first re- 
turned many thanks to our landlord for his hospitality, 
while my fellow-travellers offered up their prayers 
that he might never want, we set forward, and about 
three o'clock arrived at Moorja, a large town, famous 
for its trade in salt, which the Moors bring here in 
great quantities, to exchange for corn and cotton cloth. 
As most of the people here are Mahomedans, it is not 
allowed to the kafirs to drink beer, which they call neo- 
dollo (corn spirit), except in certain houses. In one of 
these I saw about twenty people sitting round large 
vessels of this beer with the greatest conviviality, many 
of them in a state of intoxication. As corn is plentiful, 
the inhabitants are very liberal to strangers. I believe 
we had as much corn and milk sent us by different 
people as would have been sufficient for three times our 
number ; and though we remained here two days, we 
experienced no diminution of their hospitality. 

On the morning of the 16 th we again set forward, 
accompanied by a coffle of fourteen asses, loaded with 
salt, bound for Sansanding. The road was particularly 
romantic, between two rocky hills; but the Moors some- 
times lie in wait here to plunder strangers. As soon 
as we had reached The open country, the master of the 
salt coffle thanked us for having staid with him so long, 
and now desired us to ride on. The sun was almost set 
before we reached Datliboo. In the evening we had a 
most tremendous tornado. The house in which we 
lodged, being flat-roofed, admitted the rain in streams ; 
the floor was soon ankle-deep, the fire extinguished, 
and we were left to pass the night upon some bundles 
of firewood that happened to lie in a corner. 

July 17th. — We departed from Datliboo, and about 
ten o'clock passed a large coffle returning from Sego, 
with corn-hoes, mats, and other household utensils. At 
five o'clock we came to a large village where we in- 
tended to pass the night, but the dooty would not re- 
ceive us. When we departed from this place, my horse 
was so much fatigued that I was under the necessity of 
driving him, and it was dark before we reached Fanim- 
boo, a small village ; the dooty of which no sooner heard 
that I was a white man, than he brought out three old 
muskets, and was much disappointed when he was told 
that I could not repair them. 

July 18th. — We continued our journey; but, owing 
to a fight supper the preceding night, we felt ourselves 
rather hungry this morning, and endeavoured to pro- 



DISCOVERS THE NIGER. 



43 



cure some corn at a village, but without success. The 
towns were now more numerous, and the land that is 
not employed in cultivation affords excellent pasturage 
for large herds of cattle ; but, owing to the great con- 
course of people daily going to and returning from Sego, 
the inhabitants are less hospitable to strangers. 

My horse becoming weaker and weaker every day, 
was now of very little service to me ; I was obliged to 
drive him before me for the greater part of the day, 
and did not reach Geosorro until eight o'clock in the 
evening. I found my companions wrangling with the 
dooty, who had absolutely refused to give or sell them 
any provisions ; and as none of us had tasted victuals 
for the last twenty-four hours, we were by no means 
disposed to fast another day, if we could help it. But 
finding our entreaties without effect, and being very 
much fatigued, I fell asleep, from which I was awakened 
about midnight with the joyful information, Kinne nata ! 
(" The victuals are come !") This made the remainder 
of the night pass away pleasantly; and at daybreak, 
July 19th, we resumed our journey, proposing to stop 
at a village called Doolinkeaboo for the night following. 
My fellow-travellers, having better horses than myself, 
soon left me ; and I was walking barefoot, driving my 
horse, when I was met by a coffle of slaves, about seventy 
in number, coming from Sego. They were tied together 
by their necks with thongs of a bullock's hide, twisted 
like a rope — seven slaves upon a thong, and a man 
with a musket between every seven. Many of the 
slaves were ill conditioned, and a great number of them 
women. In the rear came Sidi Mahomed's servant, 
whom I remembered to have seen at the camp of Be- 
nowm : he presently knew me, and told me that these 
slaves were going to Morocco, by the way of Ludamar 
and the Great Desert. 

In the afternoon, as I approached Doolinkeaboo, I 
met about twenty Moors on horseback, the owners of 
the slaves I had seen in the morning ; they were well 
armed with muskets, and were very inquisitive concern- 
ing me, but not so rude as their countrymen generally 
are. From them I learned that Sidi Mahomed was not 
at Sego, but had gone to Kancaba for gold dust. 

When I arrived at Doolinkeaboo, I was informed 
that my fellow-travellers had gone on ; but my horse 
was so much fatigued that I could not possibly proceed 
after them. The dooty of the town, at my request, 
give me a draught of water, which is generally looked 
upon as an earnest of greater hospitality, and I had no 
doubt of making up for the toils of the day by a good 
supper and a sound sleep : unfortunately I had neither 
one nor the other. The night was rainy and tempes- 
tuous, and the dooty limited his hospitality to the draught 
of water. 

July 20th. — In the morning I endeavoured, both by 
entreaties and threats, to procure some victuals from 
the dooty, but in vain. I even begged some corn from 
one of his female slaves, as she was washing it at the 
well, and had the mortification to be refused. However, 
when the dooty was gone to the fields, his wife sent me 
a handful of meal, which I mixed with water, and drank 
for breakfast. About eight o'clock I departed from 
Doolinkeaboo, and at noon stopped a few minutes at a 
large korree, where I had some milk given me by the 
Foulahs ; and hearing that two negroes were going 
from thence to Sego, I was happy to have their com- 
pany, and we set out immediately. About four o'clock 
we stopped at a small village, where one of the negroes 
met with an acquaintance, who invited us to a sort of 
public entertainment, which was conducted with more 
than common propriety. A dish, made of sour milk 
and meal, called sinkatoo, and beer made from their corn, 
was distributed with great liberality, and the women 
were admitted into the society — a circumstance I had 
never before observed in Africa. There was no com- 
pulsion — every one was at liberty to drink as he pleased 
— they nodded to each other when about to drink, and 
on setting down the calabash, commonly said Berka. 
(" Thank you.") Both men and women appeared to be 
somewhat intoxicated, but they were far from being 
quarrelsome. 



Departing from thence, we passed several large vik 
lages, where I was constantly taken for a Moor, and 
became the subject of much merriment to the Bambar- 
rans, who, seeing me drive my horse before me, laughed 
heartily at my appearance. He has been at Mecca, 
says one, you may see that by his clothes : another 
asked me* if my horse was sick : a third wished to pur- 
chase it, &c. — so that, I believe, the very slaves were 
ashamed to be seen in my company. Just before it was 
dark, we took up our lodging for the night at a small 
village, where I procured some victuals for myself and 
some corn for my horse, at the moderate price of a but- 
ton ; and was told that I should see the Niger (which 
the negroes call Joliba, or the Great Water) early the 
next day. The lions are here very numerous : the gates 
are shut a little after sunset, and nobody allowed to go 
out. The thoughts of seeing the Niger in the morning, 
and the troublesome buzzing of musquitoes, prevented 
me from shutting my eyes during the night; and I had 
saddled my horse, and was in readiness before daylight 
— but, on account of the wild beasts, we were obliged to 
wait until the people were stirring, and the gates opened. 
This happened to be a market-day at Sego, and the 
roads were every where filled with people carrying dif- 
ferent articles to sell. We passed four large villages, 
and at eight o'clock saw the smoke over Sego. 

As we approached the town, I was fortunate enough 
to overtake the fugitive Kaartans, to whose kindness I 
had been so much indebted in my journey through 
Bambarra. They readily agreed to introduce me to 
the king ; and we rode together through some marshy 
ground, where, as I was anxiously looking around for 
the river, one of them called out, Geo affilli! (" See the 
water !") and, looking forwards, I saw with infinite plea- 
sure the great object of my mission — the long-sought- 
for majestic Niger, glittering to the morning sun, as 
broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing slowly 
to the eastward. I hastened to the brink, and having 
drunk of the water, lifted up my fervent thanks in 
prayer to the Great Ruler of all things, for having thus 
far crowned my endeavours with success. 

The circumstance of the Niger's flowing towards the 
east, and its collateral points, did not however excite 
my surprise — for, although I had left Europe in great 
hesitation on this subject, and rather believed that it 
ran in the contrary direction, I had made such frequent 
inquiries during my progress concerning this river, 
and received from negroes of different nations such 
clear and decisive assurances that its general course 
was towards the rising sun, as scarce left any doubt on 
my mind, and more especially as I knew that Major 
Houghton had collected similar information, in the 
same manner. 

Sego, the capital of Bambarra, at which I had now 
arrived, consists, properly speaking, of four distinct 
towns — two on the northern bank of the Niger, called 
Sego Korro, and Sego Boo ; and two on the southern 
bank, called Sego Soo Korro, and Sego See Korro. 
They are all surrounded with high mud walls. The 
houses are built of clay, of a square form, with flat 
roofs — some of them have two stories, and many of 
them are whitewashed. Besides these buildings, Moor- 
ish mosques are seen in every quarter ; and the streets, 
though narrow, are broad enough for every useful pur- 
pose, in a country where wheel carriages are entirely 
unknown. From the best inquiries I could make, I have 
reason to believe that Sego contains altogether about 
thirty thousand inhabitants. The king of Bambarra 
constantly resides at Sego See Korro. He employs a 
great many slaves in conveying people over the river, 
and the money they receive (though the fare is only 
ten kowrie shells for each individual) furnishes a con- 
siderable revenue to the king in the course of a year. 
The canoes are of a singular construction, each of them 
being formed of the trunks of two large trees rendered 
concave, and joined together, not side by side, but end- 
ways — the junction being exactly across the middle of 
the canoe : they are therefore very long, and dispropor- 
tionably narrow, and have neither decks nor masts : 
they are, however, very roomy, for I observed in one 



44 



DEPARTURE FOR SEGO. 



of them four horses, and several people, crossing over 
the river. When we arrived at this ferry, with a view 
to pass over to that part of the town in which the king 
resides, we found a great number waiting for a passage : 
they looked at me with silent wonder, and I distin- 
guished with concern many Moors among them. There 
were three different places of embarkation, and the 
ferrymen were very diligent and expeditious ; but, from 
the crowd of people, I could not immediately obtain a 
passage, and sat down upon the bank of the river to 
wait for a more favourable opportunity. The. view of 
this extensive city — the numerous canoes upon the 
r jver — the crowded population, aud the cultivated state 
of the surrounding country — formed altogether a pro- 
spect of civilisation and magnificence which I little ex- 
pected to find in the bosom of Africa. 

I waited more than two hours without having an 
opportunity of crossing the river, during which time 
the people who had crossed carried information to 
Mansong, the king, that a white man was waiting for a 
passage, and was coming to see him. He immediately 
sent over one of his chief men, who informed me that 
the king could not possibly see me, until he knew what 
had brought me into his country ; and that I must not 
presume to cross the river without the king's permis- 
sion. He therefore advised me to lodge at a distant 
village, to which he pointed, for the night, and said, 
that in the morning he would give me further instruc- 
tions how to conduct myself. This was very discourag- 
ing. However, as there was no remedy, I set off for 
the village, where I found, to my great mortification, 
that no person would admit me into his house. I was 
regarded with astonishment and fear, and was obliged 
to sit all day without victuals in the shade of a tree ; 
and the night threatened to be very uncomfortable- — for 
the wind rose, and there was great appearance of a 
heavy rain — and the wild beasts are so very numerous 
in the neighbourhood, that I should have been under 
the necessity of climbing up the tree, and resting 
amongst the branches. About sunset, however, as I 
was preparing to pass the night in this manner, and 
had turned my horse loose that he might graze at 
liberty, a woman, returning from the labours of the 
field, stopped to observe me, and perceiving that I was 
weary and dejected, inquired into my situation, which 
I briefly explained to her ; whereupon, with looks of 
great compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle, 
and told me to follow her. Having conducted me into 
her hut, she lighted up a lamp, spread a mat on the 
floor, and told me I might remain there for the night. 
Finding that I was very hungry, she said she would 
procure me something to eat. She accordingly went 
out, and returned in a short time with a very fine fish, 
which, having caused to be half broiled upon some 
embers, she gave me for supper. The rites of hospi- 
tality being thus performed towards a stranger in dis- 
tress, my worthy benefactress (pointing to the mat, and 
telling me I might sleep there without apprehension) 
called to the female part of her family, who had stood 
gazing on me all the while in fixed astonishment, to 
resume their task of spinning cotton, in which they 
continued to employ themselves great part of the night. 
They lightened their labour by songs, one of which was 
composed extempore, for I was myself the subject of it. 
It was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining 
in a sort of chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, 
and the words, literally translated, were these :— " The 
winds roared, and the rains fell. The poor white man, 
faint and weary, came and sat under our tree. He has 
no mother to "bring him milk — no wife to grind his 
corn. Chorus. — Let us pity the white man — no mother 
has he," <kc. &c. Trifling as this recital may appear 
to the reader, to a person in my situation the circum- 
stance was affecting in the highest degree. I was op- 
pressed by such unexpected kindness, and sleep fled 
from my eyes. In the morning I presented my com- 
passionate landlady with two of the four brass buttons 
which remained on my waistcoat — the only recompense 
I could make her. 
July 21st. — I continued in the village all this day 



in conversation with the natives, who came in erowds 
to see me, but was rather uneasy towards evening to 
find that no message had arrived from the king ; the 
more so, as the people began to whisper that Mansong 
had received some very unfavourable accounts of me 
from the Moors and slatees residing at Sego, who, it 
seems, were exceedingly suspicious concerning the mo- 
tives of my journey. I learnt that many consultations 
had been held with the king concerning my reception 
and disposal ; and some of the villagers frankly told me 
that I had many enemies, and must expect no favour. 

July 22d. — About eleven o'clock a messenger arrived 
from the king, but he gave me very little satisfaction. 
He inquired particularly if I had brought any present, 
and seemed much disappointed when he was told that 
I had been robbed of every thing by the Moors. When 
I proposed to go along with him, he told me to stop 
until the afternoon, when the king would send for me. 

July 23d. — In the afternoon, another messenger ar 
rived from Mansong, with a bag in his hands. He told 
me, it was the king's pleasure that I should depart forth- 
with from the vicinage of Sego ; but that Mansong 
wishing to relieve a white man in distress, had sent mo 
five thousand kowries,* to enable me to purchase pro- 
visions in the course of my journey: the messenger 
added, that if my intentions were really to proceed to 
Jenne, he had orders to accompany me as a guide to 
Sansanding. I was at first puzzled to account for this 
behaviour of the king ; but from the conversation I had 
with the guide, I had afterwards reason to believe that 
Mansong would willingly have admitted me into his 
presence at Sego, but was apprehensive he might not 
be able to protect me against the blind and inveterate 
malice of the Moorish inhabitants. His conduct, there- 
fore, was at once prudent and liberal. The circum- 
stances under which I made my appearance at Sego, 
were undoubtedly such as might create in the mind of 
the king a well-warranted suspicion that I wished to 
conceal the true object of my journey. He argued, 
probably, as my guide argued, who, when he was told 
that I had come from a great distance, and through 
many dangers, to behold the Joliba river, naturally in- 
quired if there were no rivers in my own country, and 
whether one river was not like another. Notwithstand- 
ing this, and in spite of the jealous machinations of the 
Moors, this benevolent prince thought it sufficient that 
a white man was found in his dominions, in a condition 
of extreme wretchedness, and that no other plea was 
necessary to entitle the sufferer to his bounty. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Departure from Sego, and Arrival at Kabba.— Description of the 
Shea, or vegetable Butter Tree.— The Author and his Guide 
arrive at Sansanding — Behaviour of the Moors at that Place. — 
The Author pursues his Journey to the Eastward.— Incidents 
on the Road. — Arrives at Modiboo, and proceeds for Kea, but 
obliged to leave his Horse by the way. — Embarks at Kea in a 
Fisherman's Canoe for Moorzan ; is conveyed from thence 
across the Niger to Si 11a.— Determines to proceed no farther 
Eastward.— Some Account of the farther Course of the Niger, 
and the Towns in its Vicinage, towards the East. 

Being, in the manner that has been related, compelled 
to leave Sego, I was conducted the same evening to a 
village about seven miles to the eastward, with some of 
the inhabitants of which my guide was acquainted, and 
by whom we were well received.*}- He was very friendly 
and communicative, and spoke highly of the hospitality 
of his countrymen, but withal told me, that if Jenne' 

* Mention has already been made of these little shells, which 
pass current as money in many parts of the East Indies, as well 
as Africa. In Bambarra, and the adjacent countries, where the 
necessaries of life are very cheap, one hundred of them would com- 
monly purchase a day's provisions for myself, and corn for my 
horse. I reckoned about two hundred and fifty kowries equal 
to one shilling. 

1 1 should have before observed, that I found the language of 
Bambarra a 6ort of corrupted Mandingo. After a little practice, 
I understood, and spoke it without difficulty. 



SANSANDING. 



AS 



was the place of my destination, which he seemed to 
have hitherto doubted, I had undertaken an enterprise 
of greater danger than probably I was apprised of ; for, 
although the town of Jenne was nominally a part of 
the king of Bambarra's dominions, it was in fact, he 
said, a city of the Moors — the leading part of the inha- 
bitants being bushreens, and even the governor himself, 
though appointed by Mansong, of the same sect. Thus 
was I in danger of falling a second time into the hands 
of men who would consider it not only justifiable, but me- 
ritorious, to destroy me — and this reflection was aggra- 
vated by the circumstance, that the danger increased as 
I advanced in my journey, for I learned that the places 
beyond Jenne were under the Moorish influence in a 
still greater degree than Jenne itself, and Tombuctoo, 
the great object of my search, altogether in possession 
of that savage and merciless people, who allow no Chris- 
tian to live there. But I had now advanced too far to 
think of returning to the westward on such vague and 
uncertain information, and determined to proceed ; and 
being accompanied by the guide, I departed from the 
village on the morning of the 24th. About eight o'clock, 
we passed a large town called Kabba, situated in the 
midst of a beautiful and highly cultivated country, 
bearing a greater resemblance to the centre of England 
than to what I should have supposed had been the 
middle of Africa. The people were every where em- 
ployed in collecting the fruit of the shea trees, from 
which they prepare the vegetable butter mentioned in 
former parts of this work. These trees grew in great 
abundance all over this part of Bambarra. They are 
not planted by the natives, but are found growing na- 
turally in the woods; and in clearing wood land for 
cultivation, every tree is cut down but the shea. The 
tree itself very much resembles the American oak, and 
the fruit — from the kernel of which, being first dried in 
the sun, the butter is prepared by boiling the kernel 
in water — has somewhat the appearance of a Spanish 
olive. The kernel is enveloped in a sweet pulp, under 
a thin green rind ; and the butter produced from it, 
besides the advantage of its keeping the whole year 
without salt, is whiter, firmer, and, to my palate, of a 
richer flavour, than the best butter I ever tasted made 
from cow's milk. The growth and preparation of this 
commodity seem to be among the first objects of Afri- 
can industry in this and the neighbouring states, and 
it constitutes a main article of their inland commerce. 

We passed in the course of the day a great many 
villages inhabited chiefly by fishermen, and in the even- 
ing about five o'clock arrived at Sansanding — a very 
large town, containing, as I was told, from eight to ten 
thousand inhabitants. This place is much resorted to 
by the Moors, who bring salt from Beeroo, and beads 
and coral from the Mediterranean, to exchange here 
for gold dust and cotton cloth. This cloth they sell to 
great advantage in Beeroo, and other Moorish countries, 
where, on account of the want of rain, no cotton is 
cultivated. 

I desired my guide to conduct me to the house in 
which we were to lodge, by the most private way pos- 
sible. We accordingly rode along between the town and 
the river, passing by a creek or harbour, in which I ob- 
served twenty large canoes, most of them fully loaded, 
and covered with mats to prevent the rain from injur- 
ing the goods. As we proceeded, three other canoes 
arrived, two with passengers, and one with goods. I 
was happy to find that all the negro inhabitants took 
me for a Moor ; under which character I should pro- 
bably have passed unmolested, had not a Moor, who 
was sitting by the river side, discovered the mistake, 
and, setting up a loud exclamation, brought together 
a number of his countrymen. 

When I arrived at the house of Counti Mamadi, the 
dooty of the town, I was surrounded with hundreds 
of people, speaking a variety of different dialects, all 
equally unintelligible to me. At length, by the assist- 
ance of my guide, who acted as interpreter, I under- 
stood that one of the spectators pretended to have seen 
me at one place, and another at some other place ; and 
a Moorish woman absolutely swore that she had kept 



my house three years at Gallam, on the river Senegal. 
It was plain that they mistook me for some other per- 
son, and I desired two of the most confident to point 
towards the place where they had seen me. They 
pointed due south ; hence I thirfk it probable that they 
came from Cape Coast, where they might have seen 
many white men. Their language was different from 
any I had yet heard. The Moors now assembled in 
great number, with their usual arrogance, compelling the 
negroes to stand at a distance. They immediately be- 
gan to question me concerning my religion, but finding 
that I was not master of the Arabic, they sent for two 
men, whom they call Ilhuidi (Jews), in hopes that they 
might be able to converse with me. These Jews, in 
dress and appearance, very much resemble the Arabs; 
but though they so far conform to the religion of 
Mahomet as to recite, in public, prayers from the 
Koran, they are but little respected by the negroes ; 
and even the Moors themselves allowed, that though I 
was a Christian, I was a better man than a Jew. They, 
however, insisted that, like the Jews, I must conform 
so far as to repeat the Mahomedan prayers ; and when 
I attempted to waive the subject, by telling them that I 
could not speak Arabic, one of them, a shereef from 
Tuat, in the Great Desert, started up and swore by the 
Prophet, that if I refused to go to the mosque, he would 
be one that would assist in carrying me thither ; and 
there is no doubt but this threat would have been 
immediately executed, had not my landlord interposed 
in my behalf. He told them that I was the king's 
stranger, and he could not see me ill treated whilst I 
was under his protection. He therefore advised them 
to let me alone for the night, assuring them, that in the 
morning I should be sent about my business. This 
somewhat appeased their clamour, but they compelled 
me to ascend a high seat, by the door of the mosque, in 
order that every body might see me ; for the people had 
assembled in such numbers as to be quite ungovern- 
able — climbing upon the houses, and squeezing each 
other, like the spectators at an execution. Upon this 
seat I remained until sunset, when I was conducted 
into a neat little hut, with a small court before it, the 
door of which Counti Mamadi shut, to prevent any per- 
son from disturbing me. But this precaution could not 
exclude the Moors. They climbed over the top of the 
mud wall, and came in crowds into the court, " in order," 
they said, "to see me perform my evening devotions, and 
eat eggs.'" The former of these ceremonies I did not 
think proper to comply with, but I told them I had no 
objection to eat eggs, provided they would bring me 
eggs to eat. My landlord immediately brought me seven 
hen's eggs, and was much surprised to find that I 
could not eat them raw; for it seems to be a prevalent 
opinion among the inhabitants of the interior, that 
Europeans subsist almost entirely on this diet. When 
I had succeeded in persuading my landlord that this 
opinion was without foundation, and that I would 
gladly partake of any victuals which he might think 
proper to send me, he ordered a sheep to be killed, and 
part of it to be dressed for my supper. About midnight, 
when the Moors had left me, he paid me a visit, and 
with much earnestness desired me to write him a 
saphie. "If a Moor's saphie is good," said this hospi- 
table old man, " a white man's must needs be better." 
I readily furnished him with one, possessed of all the 
virtues I could concentrate, for it contained the Lord's 
Prayer. The pen with which it was written was made 
of a reed ; a little charcoal and gum-water made very 
tolerable ink, and a thin board answered the purpose 
of paper. 

July 25th. — Early in the morning, before the Moors 
were assembled, I departed from Sansanding, and slept 
the ensuing night at a small town called Sibili, from 
whence, on the day following, I reached Nyara, a large 
town at some distance from the river, where I halted 
the 27th, to have my clothes washed, and recruit my 
horse. The dooty there has a very commodious house, 
flat-roofed, and two stories high. He showed me some 
gunpowder of his own manufacturing ; and pointed out, 
as a great curiosity, a little brown monkey, that was 



46 



ENCOUNTERS A LION. 



tied to a stake by the door, telling me that it came from 
a far distant country called Kong. 

July 28th. — I departed from Nyara, and reached 
Nyamee about noon. This town is inhabited chiefly 
by Foulahs, from the kingdom of Masina. The dooty, 
I know not why, would not receive me, but civilly sent 
his son on horseback to conduct me to Modiboo, which 
he assured me was at no great distance. 

We rode nearly in a direct line through the woods, 
but in general went forwards with great circumspection. 
I observed that my guide frequently stopped and looked 
under the bushes. On inquiring the reason of this 
caution, he told me that lions were very numerous in 
that part of the country, and frequently attacked people 
travelling through the woods. While he was speaking, 
my horse started, and looking round, I observed a large 
animal of the camelopard kind, standing at a little dis- 
tance. The neck and fore legs were very long ; the 
head was furnished with two short black horns, turning 
backwards ; the tail, which reached down to the ham 
joint, had a tuft of hair at the end. The animal was of 
a mouse colour, and it trotted away from us in a very 
sluggish manner — moving its head from side to side, to 
see if we were pursuing it. Shortly after this, as we 
were crossing a large open plain, where there were a 
few scattered bushes, my guide, who was a little way 
before me, wheeled his horse round in a moment, call- 
ing out something in the Foulah language which I did 
not understand. I inquired in Mandingo what he meant ; 
Wara billi billi ! ("A very large lion !") said he, and made 
signs for me to ride away. But my horse was too much 
fatigued ; so we rode slowly past the bush, from which 
the animal had given us the alarm. Not seeing any 
thing myself, however, I thought my guide had been 
mistaken, when the Foulah suddenly put his hand to 
his mouth, exclaiming Soubah an allahi ! (" God pre- 
serve us !") and to my great surprise, I then perceived 
a large red lion, at a short distance from the bush, with 
his head couched between his fore paws. I expected 
he would instantly spring upon me, and instinctively 
pulled my feet from my stirrups to throw myself on 
the ground, that my horse might become the victim 
rather than myself. But it is probable the lion was not 
hungry ; for he quietly suffered us to pass, though we 
were fairly within his reach. My eyes were so rivetted 
upon this sovereign of the beasts, that I found it im- 
possible to remove them until we were at a consider- 
able distance. We now took a circuitous route through 
some swampy ground, to avoid any more of these dis- 
agreeable rencounters. At sunset we arrived at Modi- 
boo — a delightful village on the banks of the Niger, 
commanding a view of the river for many miles, both 
to the east and west. The small green islands (the 
peaceful retreat of some industrious Foulahs, whose 
cattle are here secure from the depredations of wild 
beasts), and the majestic breadth of the river, which 
is here much larger than at Sego, render the situation 
one of the most enchanting in the world. Here are 
caught great plenty of fish, by means of long cotton 
nets, which the natives make themselves, and use nearly 
in the same manner as nets are used in Europe. I ob- 
served the head of a crocodile lying upon one of the 
houses, which they told me had been killed by the 
shepherds in a swamp near the town. These animals 
are not uncommon in the Niger, but I believe they 
are not oftentimes found dangerous. They are of little 
account to the traveller when compared with the amaz- 
ing swarms of musquitoes, which rise from the swamps 
and creeks in such numbers as to harass even the most 
torpid of the natives ; and as my clothes were now al- 
most worn to rags, I was but ill prepared to resist their 
attacks. I usually passed the night without shutting 
my eyes, walking backwards and forwards, fanning my- 
self with my hat ; their stings raised numerous blisters 
on my legs and arms, which, together with the want 
of rest, made me very feverish and uneasy. 

July 29th. — Early in the morning, my landlord, ob- 
serving that I was sickly, hurried me away — sending a 
servant with me as a guide to Kea. But though I was 
little able to walk, my horse was still less able to carry 



me; and about six miles to the east of Modiboo, in 
crossing some rough clayey ground, he fell, and the 
united strength of the guide and myself could not place 
him again upon his legs. I sat down for some time 
beside this worn-out associate of my adventures ; but 
finding him still unable to rise, I took off the saddle 
and bridle, and placed a quantity of grass before him. 
I surveyed the poor animal, as he lay panting on the 
ground, with sympathetic emotion ; for I could not sup- 
press the sad apprehension that I should myself, in a 
short time, lie down and perish in the same manner, 
of fatigue and hunger. With this foreboding, I left my 
poor horse, and with great reluctance followed my 
guide on foot, along the bank of the river, until about 
noon, when we reached Kea, which I found to be no- 
thing more than a small fishing village. The dooty, a 
surly old man, who was sitting by the gate, received 
me very coolly ; and when I informed him of my situa- 
tion, and begged his protection, told me with great 
indifference, that he paid very little attention to fine 
speeches, and that I should not enter his house. My 
guide remonstrated in my favour, but to no purpose, 
for the dooty remained inflexible in his determination. 
I knew not where to rest my wearied limbs, but was 
happily relieved by a fishing canoe belonging to Silla, 
which was at that moment coming down the river. The 
dooty waved to the fisherman to come near, and de- 
sired him to take charge of me as far as Moorzan. The 
fisherman, after some hesitation, consented to carry 
me / and I embarked in the canoe, in company with the 
fisherman, his wife, and a boy. The negro, who had con- 
ducted me from Modiboo, now left me ; I requested 
him to look to my horse on his return, and take care 
of him if he was still alive, which he promised to do. 

Departing from Kea, we proceeded about a mile down 
the river, when the fisherman paddled the canoe to the 
bank, and desired me to jump out. Having tied the 
canoe to a stake, he stripped off his clothes, and dived 
for such a length of time that I thought he had actually 
drowned himself, and was surprised to see his wife be- 
have with so much indifference upon the occasion — but 
my fears were over when he raised up his head astern 
of the canoe, and called for a rope. With this rope he 
dived a second time, and then got into the canoe, and 
ordered the boy to assist him in pulling. At length 
they brought up a large basket, about ten feet in dia- 
meter, containing two fine fish, which the fisherman — . 
after returning the basket into the water — immediately 
carried ashore, and hid in the grass. We then went a 
little farther down, and took up another basket, in which 
was one fish. The fisherman now left us, to carry his 
prizes to some neighbouring market, and the woman 
and boy proceeded with me in the canoe down the river. 

About four o'clock we arrived at Moorzan, a fishing 
town on the northern bank, from whence I was con- 
veyed across the river to Silla, a large town, where I 
remained until it was quite dark, under a tree, sur- 
rounded by hundreds of people. But their language 
was very different from the other parts of Bambarra — 
and I was informed, that in my progress eastward the 
Bambarra tongue was but little understood, and that 
when I reached Jenne, I should find that the majority 
of the inhabitants spoke a different language, called 
Jenne Kummo by the negroes, and Kalam Soudan by 
the Moors. 

With a great deal of entreaty, the dooty allowed me 
to come into his baloon to avoid the rain, but the place 
was very damp, and I had a smart paroxysm of fever 
during the night. Worn down by sickness, exhausted 
with hunger and fatigue, half naked, and without any 
article of value by which I might procure provisions, 
clothes, or lodging, I began to reflect seriously on my 
situation. I was now convinced, by painful experience, 
that the obstacles to my farther progress were insur- 
mountable. The tropical rains were already set in 
with all their violence — the rice grounds and swamps 
were every where overflowed — and, in a few days more, 
travelling of every kind, unless by water, would be com- 
pletely obstructed. The kowries which remained of the 
king of Bambarra's present were not sufficient to enable 



INFORMED OF TIMBUCTOO AND PLACES ADJACENT. 



47 



me to hire a canoe for any great distance — and I had but 
little hopes of subsisting by charity, in a country where 
the Moors have such influence. But above all, I per- 
ceived that I was advancing, more and more, within the 
power of those merciless fanatics ; and from my recep- 
tion both at Sego and Sansanding, I was apprehensive 
that, in attempting to reach even Jenne (unless under 
the protection of some man of consequence amongst 
them, which I had no means of obtaining), I should 
sacrifice my life to no purpose, for my discoveries would 
perish with me. The prospect either way was gloomy. 
In returning to the Gambia, a journey on foot of many 
hundred miles presented itself to my contemplation, 
through regions and countries unknown. Nevertheless, 
this seemed to be the only alternative, for I saw inevi- 
table destruction in attempting to proceed to the east- 
ward. With this conviction on my mind, I hope my 
readers will acknowledge that I did right in going no 
farther. I had made every effort to execute my mis- 
sion in its fullest extent, which prudence could justify. 
Had there been the most distant prospect of a success- 
ful termination, neither the unavoidable hardships of 
the journey, nor the dangers of a second captivity, 
should have forced me to desist. This, however, neces- 
sity compelled me to do ; and whatever may be the 
opinion of my general readers on this point, it affords 
me inexpressible satisfaction, that my honourable em- 
ployers have been pleased, since my return, to express 
their full approbation of my conduct. 

Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt 
and perplexity, to a determination to return westward, 
I thought it incumbent on me, before I left Silla, to 
collect from the Moorish and negro traders all the in- 
formation I could concerning the farther course of the 
Niger eastward, and the situation and extent of the 
kingdoms in its vicinage — and the following few notices 
I received from such various quarters as induce me to 
think they are authentic : — 

Two short days' journey to the eastward of Silla, is 
the town of Jenne, which is situated on a small island 
in the river, and is said to contain a greater number of 
inhabitants than Sego itself, or any other town in Bam- 
barra. At the distance of two days more, the river 
spreads into a considerable lake, called Dibbie (or the 
Dark Lake), concerning the extent of which, all the 
information I could obtain was, that in crossing it from 
west to east, the canoes lose sight of land one whole 
day. From this lake, the water issues in many diffe- 
rent streams, which terminate in two large branches, 
one whereof flows towards the north-east, and the other 
to the east, but these branches join at Kabra, which is 
one day's journey to the southward of Tombuctoo, and 
is the port or shipping-place of that city. The tract of 
land which the two streams encircle is called Jinbala, 
and is inhabited by negroes ; and the whole distance by 
land from Jenne to Tombuctoo is twelve days' journey. 

From Kabra, at the distance of eleven days' journey 
down the stream, the river passes to the southward of 
Houssa, which is two days' journey distant from the 
river. Of the farther progress of this great river, and 
its final exit, all the natives with whom I conversed 
seem to be entirely ignorant. Their commercial pur- 
suits seldom induce them to travel farther than the 
cities of Tombuctoo and Houssa; and as the sole object 
of those journies is the acquirement of wealth, they 
pay but little attention to the course of rivers or the 
geography of countries. It is, however, highly pro- 
bable, that the Niger affords a safe and easy commu- 
nication between very remote nations. All my informants 
agreed, that many of the negro merchants who arrive 
at Tombuctoo and Houssa from the eastward, speak a 
different language from that of Bambarra, or any other 
kingdom with which they are acquainted. But even 
these merchants, it would seem, are ignorant of the 
termination of the river, for such of them as can speak 
Arabic describe the amazing length of its course in 
very general terms — saying only, that they believe it 
runs to the world's end. 

The names of many kingdoms to the eastward of 
Houssa are familiar to the inhabitants of Bambarra. 



I was shown quivers and arrows of very curious work- 
manship, which I was informed came from the kingdom 
of Kassina. 

On the northern bank of the Niger, at a short dis- 
tance from Silla, is the kingdom of Masina, which is 
inhabited by Foulahs. They employ themselves there, 
as in other places, chiefly in pasturage, and pay an 
annual tribute to the king of Bambarra for the lands 
which they occupy. 

To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom 
of Tombuctoo, the great object of European research — 
the capital of this kingdom being one of the principal 
marts for that extensive commerce which the Moors 
carry on with the negroes. The hopes of acquiring 
wealth in this pursuit, and zeal for propagating their 
religion, have filled this extensive city with Moors and 
Mahomedan converts. The king himself, and all the 
chief officers of state, are Moors ; and they are said to 
be more severe and intolerant in their principles than 
any other of the Moorish tribes in this part of Africa. 
I was informed by a venerable old negro, that when he 
first visited Tombuctoo, he took up his lodging at a 
sort of public inn, the landlord of which, when he con- 
ducted him into his hut, spread a mat on the floor, and 
laid a rope upon it, saying, " If you are a Mussulman, 
you are my friend — sit down ; but if you are a kafir, 
you are my slave — and with this rope I will lead you 
to market." The present king of Tombuctoo is named 
Abu Abrahima — he is reported to possess immense 
riches. His wives and concubines are said to be clothed 
in silk, and the chief officers of state live in consider- 
able splendour. The whole expense of his government 
is defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon merchandise, 
which is collected at the gates of the city. 

The city of Houssa (the capital of a large kingdom 
of the same name, situated to the eastward of Tom- 
buctoo) is another great mart for Moorish commerce. 
I conversed with many merchants who had visited that 
city, and they all agreed that it is larger, and more 
populous, than Tombuctoo. The trade, police, and go- 
vernment, are nearly the same in both ; but in Houssa 
the negroes are in greater proportion to the Moors, 
and have some share in the government. 

Concerning the small kingdom of Jinbala I was not 
able to collect much information. The soil is said to 
be remarkably fertile, and the whole country c - n of 
creeks and swamps that the Moors have hitherto been 
baffled in every attempt to subdue it. The inhabitants 
are negroes, and some of them are said to live in con- 
siderable affluence, particularly those near the capital 
— which is a resting-place for such merchants as trans- 
port goods from Tombuctoo to the western parts of 
Africa. 

To the southward of Jinbala is situated the negro 
kingdom of Gotto, which is said, to be of great extent. 
It was formerly divided into a number of petty states, 
which were governed by their own chiefs ; but their 
private quarrels invited invasion from the neighbour- 
ing kingdoms. At length a politic chief, of the name 
of Moossee, had address enough to make them unite in 
hostilities against Bambarra ; and on this occasion he 
was unanimously chosen general — the different chiefs 
consenting for a time to act under his command. Moos- 
see immediately dispatched a fleet of canoes, loaded 
with provisions, from the banks of the lake Dibbie up 
the Niger towards Jenne', and with the whole of his 
army pushed forwards into Bambarra. He arrived 
on the bank of the Niger opposite to Jenne', before the 
townspeople had the smallest intimation of his approach. 
His fleet of canoes joined him the same day ; and hav- 
ing landed the provisions, he embarked part of his 
army, and in the night took Jenne by storm. This 
event so terrified the king of Bambarra, that he sent 
messengei's to sue for peace ; and in order to obtain it, 
consented to deliver to Moossee a certain number of 
slaves every year, and return every thing that had 
been taken from the inhabitants of Gotto. Moossee, 
thus triumphant, returned to Gotto, where he was de- 
clared king, and the capital of the country is called by 
his name. 



48 



RETURNS WESTWARD. 



On the west of Gotto is the kingdom of Baedoo, which 
was conquered by the present king of Bambarra about 
seven years ago, and has continued tributary to him 
ever since. 

West of Baedoo is Maniana, the inhabitants of which, 
according to the best information I was able to collect, 
are cruel and ferocious — carrying their resentment to- 
wards their enemies so far as never to give quarter, 
and even to indulge themselves with unnatural and 
disgusting banquets of human flesh. 

I am well aware that the accounts which the negroes 
give of their enemies ought to be received with great 
caution ; but I heard the same account in so many dif- 
ferent kingdoms, and from such variety of people, whose 
veracity I had no occasion to suspect, that I am dis- 
posed to allow it some degree of credit. The inhabi- 
tants of Bambarra, in the course of a long and bloody 
war, must have had frequent opportunities of satis- 
fying themselves as to the fact ; and if the report had 
been entirely without foundation, I cannot conceive why 
the term ma dummulo (man eaters) should be applied 
exclusively to the inhabitants of Maniana. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The Author returns Westward. — Arrives at Modiboo, and re 
covers his Horse.— Finds great Difficulty in travelling, in con- 
sequence of the Rains, and the overflowing of the River— Is 
informed that the King of Bambarra had sent Persons to 
apprehend him.— Avoids Sego, and prosecutes his Journey 
along the Banks of the Niger. — Incidents on the Road.— 
Cruelties attendant on African Wars.— The Author crosses the 
River Frina, and arrives at Taffara. 

Having, for the reasons assigned in the last chapter, 
determined to proceed no farther eastward than Silla, 
I acquainted the dooty with my intention of returning 
to Sego, proposing to travel along the southern side of 
the river ; but he informed me, that from the number 
of creeks and swamps on that side, it was impossible to 
travel by any other route than along the northern bank, 
and even that route, he said, would soon be impassable, 
on account of the overflowing of the river. However, 
as he commended my determination to return westward, 
he agreed to speak to some one of the fishermen to carry 
me over to Moorzan. I accordingly stepped into a 
canoe about eight o'clock in the morning of July 30th, 
and in about an hour was landed at Moorzan. At this 
place I hired a canoe for sixty kowries, and in the after- 
noon arrived at Kea, where, for forty kowries more, 
the dooty permitted me to sleep in the same hut with 
one of his slaves. This poor negro, perceiving that I 
was sickly, and that my clothes were very ragged, hu- 
manely lent me a large cloth to cover me for the night. 
July 31st. — The dooty's brother being going to Mo- 
diboo, I embraced the opportunity of accompanying him 
thither, there being no beaten road. He promised to 
carry my saddle, which I had left at Kea when my 
horse fell down in the woods, as I now proposed to 
present it to the king of Bambarra. 

We departed from Kea at eight o'clock, and about a 
mile to the westward observed, on the bank of the river, 
a great number of earthen jars piled up together. — 
They were very neatly formed, but not glazed ; and 
were evidently of that sort of pottery which is manu- 
factured at Downie (a town to the west of Tombuctoo), 
and sold to great advantage in different parts of Bam- 
barra. As we approached towards the jars, my com- 
panion plucked up a large handful of herbage, and threw 
it upon them, making signs for me to do the same, 
which I did. He then, with great seriousness, told me 
that these jars belonged to some supernatural power ; 
that they were found in their present situation about 
two years ago ; and as no person had claimed them, 
every traveller as he passed them, from respect to the 
invisible proprietor, threw some grass, or the branch of 
a tree, upon the heap, to defend the jars from the rain. 
Thus conversing, we travelled in the most friendly 
manner, until unfortunately we pei'ceived the footsteps 



of a lion, quite fresh in the mud, near the river side. 
My companion now proceeded with great circumspec- 
tion ; and at last, coming to some thick underwood, he 
insisted that I should walk before him. I endeavoured 
to excuse myself, by alleging that I did not know the 
road; but he obstinately persisted, and, after a few 
high words and menacing looks, threw down the saddle 
and went away. This very much disconcerted me ; 
but as I had given up all hopes of obtaining a horse, I 
could not think of encumbering myself with the saddle, 
and, taking off the stirrups and girths, I threw the 
saddle into the river. The negro no sooner saw me 
throw the saddle into the water, than he came running 
from among the bushes where he had concealed him- 
self, jumped into the river, and, by help of his spear, 
brought out the saddle, and ran away with it. I con- 
tinued my course along the bank ; but as the wood was 
remarkably thick, and I had reason to believe that a 
lion was at no great distance, I became much alarmed, 
and took a long circuit through the bushes to avoid him. 
About four in the afternoon I reached Modiboo, 
where I found my saddle. The guide, who had got 
there before me, being afraid that I should inform the 
king of his conduct, had brought the saddle with him 
in a canoe. 

While I was conversing with the dooty, and remon- 
strating against the guide for having left me in such a 
situation, I heard a horse neigh in one of the huts ; and 
the dooty inquired, with a smile, if I knew who was 
speaking to me ? He explained himself, by telling me 
that my horse was still alive, and somewhat recovered 
from his fatigue ; but he insisted that I should take him 
along with me — adding, that he had once kept a Moor's 
horse for four months, and when the horse had reco- 
vered and got into good condition, the Moor returned 
and claimed it, and refused to give him any reward for 
his trouble. 

August 1st. — I departed from Modiboo, driving my 
horse before me, and in the afternoon reached Nyamee, 
where I remained three days, during which time it 
rained without intermission, and with such violence 
that no person could venture out of doors. 

August 5th. — I departed from Nyamee; but the 
country was so deluged that I was frequently in danger 
of losing the road, and had to wade across the savan- 
nahs for miles together, knee-deep in water. Even the 
corn ground, which is the driest land in the country, 
was so completely flooded that my horse twice stuck 
fast in the mud, and was not got out without the 
greatest difficulty. 

In the evening of the same day I arrived at Nyara, 
where I was well received by the dooty; and as the 6th 
was rainy, I did not depart until the morning of the 
7th — but the water had swelled to such a height, that 
in many places the road was scarcely passable, and 
though I waded breast-deep across the swamps, I 
could only reach a small village called Nemaboo, where, 
however, for an hundred kowries, I procured from some 
Foulahs plenty of corn for my horse, and milk for 
myself. 

August 8th. — The difficulties I had experienced the 
day before made me anxious to engage a fellow- 
traveller, particularly as I was assured, that, in the 
course of a few days, the country would be so com- 
pletely overflowed as to render the road utterly im- 
passable ; but though I offered two hundred kowries for 
a guide, nobody would accompany me. However, on 
the morning following (August 9th), a Moor and his 
wife, riding upon two bullocks, and bound for Sego 
with salt, passed the village, and agreed to take me 
along with them ; but I found them of little service, 
for they were wholly unacquainted with the road, and 
being accustomed to a sandy soil, were very bad travel- 
lers. Instead of wading before the bullocks to feel if 
the ground was solid, the woman boldly entered the first 
swamp, riding upon the top of the load ; but when she 
had proceeded about two hundred yards, the bullock 
sunk into a hole, and threw both the load and herself 
among the reeds. The frightened husband stood for 
some time seemingly petrified with horror, and suffered 



TRAVELS WESTWARD ON THE NIGER. 



49 



his wife to be almost drowned before he went to her 
assistance. 

About sunset we reached Sibity, but the dooty re- 
ceived me very coolly ; and when I solicited for a guide 
to Sansanding, he told me his people were otherwise 
employed. I was shown into a damp old hut, where I 
passed a very uncomfortable night ; for when the walls 
of the huts are softened by the rain, they frequently 
become too weak to support the weight of the roof. I 
heard three huts fall during the night, and was appre- 
hensive that the hut I lodged in would be the fourth. 
In the morning, as I went to pull some grass for my 
horse, I counted fourteen huts which had fallen in this 
manner since the commencement of the rainy season. 

It continued to rain with great violence all the 10th ; 
and as the dooty refused to give me any provisions, I 
purchased some corn, which I divided with my horse. 

August 11th. — The dooty compelled me to depart 
from the town, and I set out for Sansanding, without 
any great hopes of faring better there than I had done 
at Sibity — for I learned, from people who came to visit 
me, that a report prevailed, and was universally be- 
lieved, that I had come to Bambarra as a spy ; and as 
Mansong had not admitted me into his presence, the 
clooties of the different towns were at liberty to treat me 
in what manner they pleased. From repeatedly hear- 
ing the same story, I had no doubt of the truth of it ; 
but as there was no alternative, I determined to pro- 
ceed, and a little before sunset I arrived at Sansanding. 
My reception was what I expected. Counti Mamadi, 
who had been so kind to me formerly, scarcely gave me 
welcome. Every one wished to shun me ; and my land- 
lord sent a person to inform me that a very unfavour- 
able report was received from Sego concerning me, and 
that he wished me to depart early in the morning. 
About ten o'clock at night Counti Mamadi himself came 
privately to me, and informed me that Mansong had 
dispatched a canoe to Jenne to bring me back ; and he 
was afraid I should find great difficulty in going to the 
west country. He advised me therefore to depart from 
Sansanding before daybreak, and cautioned me against 
stopping at Diggani, or any town near Sego. 

August 12th. — I departed from Sansanding, and 
reached Kabba in the afternoon. As I approached the 
town, I was surprised to see several people assembled 
at the gate ; one of whom, as I advanced, came run- 
ning towards me, and taking my horse by the bridle, led 
me round the walls of the town, and then, pointing to 
the west, told me to go along, or it would fare worse 
with me. It was in vain that I represented the danger 
of being benighted in the woods, exposed to the incle- 
mency of the weather and the fury of wild beasts. " Go 
along 1" was all the answer ; and a number of people 
coming up, and ui'ging me in the same manner, with 
great earnestness, I suspected that some of the king's 
messengers, who were sent in search of me, were in the 
town, and that these negroes, from mere kindness, con- 
ducted me past it, with a view to facilitate my escape. 
I accordingly took the road for Sego, with the uncom- 
fortable prospect of passing the night on the branches 
of a tree. After travelling about three miles, I came 
to a small village near the road. The dooty was split- 
ting sticks by the gate, but I found I could have no 
admittance ; and when I attempted to enter, he jumped 
up, and, with the stick he held in his hand, threatened 
to strike me off the horse, if I presumed to advance 
another step. 

At a little distance from this village (and farther from 
the road), is another small one. I conjectured, that 
being rather out of the common route, the inhabitants 
might have fewer objections to give me house-room 
for the night ; and having crossed some corn fields, I 
sat down under a tree by the well. Two or three 
women came to draw water, and one of them perceiv- 
ing I was a stranger, inquired whither I was going. I 
told her I was going for Sego, but being benighted on 
the road, I wished to stay at the village until morning, 
and begged she would acquaint the dooty with my situa- 
tion. In a little time the dooty sent for me, and per- 
mitted me to sleep in a large baloon, in one corner of 



which was constructed a kiln for drying the fruit of the 
shea trees ; it contained about half a cart-load of fruit, 
under which was kept up a clear wood-fire. I was in- 
formed, that in three days the fruit would be ready for 
pounding and boiling, and that the butter thus manu- 
factured is preferable to that which is prepared from, 
fruit dried in the sun, especially in the rainy season, 
when the process by insolation is always tedious, and 
oftentimes ineffectual. 

August 13th. — About ten o'clock I reached a small 
village within half a mile of Sego, where I endeavoured, 
but in vain, to procure some provisions. Every one 
seemed anxious to avoid me ; and I could plainly per- 
ceive, by the looks and behaviour of the inhabitants, 
that some very unfavourable accounts had been circu- 
lated concerning me. I was again informed that Man- 
song had sent people to apprehend me; and the dooty's 
son told me I had no time to lose, if I wished to get 
safe out of Bambarra. I now fully saw the danger of 
my situation, and determined to avoid Sego altogether. 
I accordingly mounted my horse, and taldng the road 
for Diggani, travelled as fast as I could until I was out 
of sight of the villagers, when I struck to the westward 
through high grass and swampy ground. About noon, 
I stopped under a tree to consider what course to take, 
for I had now no doubt that the Moors and slatees had 
misinformed the king respecting the object of my mis- 
sion, and that people were absolutely in search of 
me to convey me a prisoner to Sego. Sometimes I 
had thoughts of swimming my horse across the Niger, 
and going to the southward for Cape Coast ; but re- 
flecting that I had ten days to travel before I should 
reach Kong, and afterwards an extensive country to 
traverse, inhabited by various nations with whose lan- 
guage and manners I was totally unacquainted, I re- 
linquished this scheme, and judged that I should better 
answer the purpose of my mission by proceeding to the 
westward along the Niger, endeavouring to ascertain 
how far the river was navigable in that direction. Hav- 
ing resolved upon this course, I proceeded accordingly, 
and a little before sunset arrived at a Foulah village 
called Sooboo, where, for two hundred kowries, I pro- 
cured lodging for the night. 

August 14th. — I continued my course along the bank 
of the river, through a populous and well-cultivated 
country. I passed a walled town called Kamalia,* 
without stopping ; and at noon rode through a large 
town called Samee, where there happened to be a mar- 
ket, and a number of people assembled in an open place 
in the middle of the town, selling cattle, cloth, corn, &c. 
I rode through the midst of them without being much 
observed, every one taking me for a Moor. In the 
afternoon I arrived at a small village called Binni, 
where I agreed with the dooty's son, for one hundred 
kowries, to allow me to stay for the night, but when 
the dooty returned, he insisted that I should instantly 
leave the place ; and if his wife and son had not inter- 
ceded for me, I must have complied. 

August 15th. — About nine o'clock I passed a large 
town called Sai, which very much excited my curiosity. 
It is completely surrounded by two very deep trenches, 
at about two hundred yards distant from the walls. On 
the top of the trenches are a number of square towers, 
and the whole has the appearance of a regular fortifi- 
cation. Inquiring into the origin of this extraordinary 
entrenchment, I learned from two of the townspeople 
the following particulars, which, if true, furnish a 
mournful pictui-e of the enormities of African wars : — 
About fifteen years ago, when the present king of Bam- 
barra's father desolated Maniana, the dooty of Sai had 
two sons slain in battle, fighting in the king's cause. 
He had a third son living ; and when the king demanded 
a further reinforcement of men, and this youth among 
the rest, the dooty refused to send him. This conduct 
so enraged the king, that when he returned from Ma- 
niana, about tho beginning of the rainy season, and 
found the dooty protected by the inhabitants, he sat 
down before Sai with his army, and surrounded tho 
town with tho trenches I had now seen. After a siege 
* There is another town of this name, hereafter to be mentioned. 



;o 



ARRIVES AT TAFFARA. 



of two months, the townspeople became involved in all 
the horrors of famine ; and whilst the king's army were 
feasting in their trenches, they saw with pleasure the 
miserable inhabitants of Sai devour the leaves and bark 
of the bentang tree that stood in the middle of the town. 
Finding, however, that the besieged would sooner perish 
than surrender, the king had recourse to treachery. 
He promised, that if they would open the gates, no 
person should be put to death, nor suffer any injury, 
but the dooty alone. The poor old man determined to 
sacrifice himself for the sake of his fellow-citizens, and 
immediately walked over to the king's army, where he 
was put to death. His son, in attempting to escape, 
was caught and massacred hi the trenches, and the 
rest of the townspeople were carried away captives, and 
sold as slaves to the different negro traders. 

About noon I came to the village of Kaimoo, situated 
upon the bank of the river ; and as the corn I had pur- 
chased at Sibili was exhausted, I endeavoured to pur- 
chase a fresh supply, but was informed that corn was 
become very scarce all over the country, and though I 
offered fifty kowries for a small quantity, no person 
would sell me any. As I was about to depart, however, 
one of the villagers (who probably mistook me for some 
Moorish shereef) brought me some as a present, only 
desiring me in return to bestow my blessing upon him, 
which I did in plain English, and he received it with a 
thousand acknowledgments. Of this present I made my 
dinner — and it was the third successive day that I had 
subsisted entirely upon raw corn. 

In the evening I arrived at a small village called Song, 
the surly inhabitants of which would not receive me, 
nor so much as permit me to enter the gate — but as 
lions were very numerous in this neighbourhood, and I 
had frequently, in the course of the day, observed the 
impression of their feet on the road, I resolved to stay 
hi the vicinity of the village. Having collected some 
grass for my horse, I accordingly lay down under a tree 
by the gate. About ten o'clock I heard the hollow roar 
of a lion at no great distance, and attempted to open 
the gate, but the people from within told me, that no 
person must attempt to enter the gate without the 
dooty's permission. I begged them to inform the dooty 
that a lion was approaching the village, and I hoped he 
would allow me to come within the gate. I waited for 
an answer to this message with great anxiety, for the 
lion kept prowling round the village, and once advanced 
so very near me that I heard him rustling among the 
grass, and climbed the tree for safety. About midnight 
the dooty, with some of his people, opened the gate, and 
desired me to come in. They were convinced, they 
said, that I was not a Moor, for no Moor ever waited 
any time at the gate of a village without cursing the 
inhabitants. 

August 1 6th. — About ten o'clock I passed a consider- 
able town, with a mosque, called Jabbee. Here the 
country begins to rise into hills, and I could see the sum- 
mits of high mountains to the westward. I had very disa- 
greeable travelling all this day, on account of the swam- 
piness of the roads — for the river was now risen to such 
a height as to overflow great part of the flat land on 
both sides — and from the muddiness of the water, it was 
difficult to discern its depth. In crossing one of these 
swamps, a little to the westward of a town called Gangu, 
my horse being up to the belly in water, slipt suddenly 
into a deep pit, and was almost drowned before he could 
disengage his feet from the stiff clay at the bottom. In- 
deed, both the horse and his rider were so completely 
covered with mud, that in passing the village of Calli- 
mana, the people compared us to two dirty elephants. 
About noon I stopped at a small village near Yamina, 
where I purchased some corn, and dried my papers and 
clothes. 

The town of Yamina, at a distance, has a very fine 
appearance. It covers nearly the same extent of ground 
as Sansanding, but having been plundered by Daisy, 
king of Kaarta, about four years ago, it has not yet re- 
sumed its former prosperity — nearly one half of the 
town being nothing but a heap of ruins : however, it is 
still a considerable place, and is so much frequented by 



the Moors that I did not think it safe to lodge in it ; but 
in order to satisfy myself respecting its population and 
extent, I resolved to ride through it, in doing which I 
observed a great many Moors sitting upon the bentangs, 
and other places of public resort. Every body looked 
at me with astonishment, but as I rode briskly along, 
they had no time to ask questions. 

I arrived in the evening at Farra, a walled village, 
where, without much difficulty, I procured a lodging for 
the night. 

August 17th. — Early in the morning I pursued my 
journey, and at eight o'clock passed a considerable town 
called Balaba, after which the road quits the plain, and 
stretches along the side of the hill. I passed in the 
course of this day the ruins of three towns, the inhabi- 
tants of which were all carried away by Daisy, king of 
Kaarta, on the same day that he took and plundered 
Yamina. Near one of these ruins I climbed a tamarind 
tree, but found the fruit quite green and sour, and the 
prospect of the country was by no means inviting — for 
the high grass and bushes seemed completely to obstruct 
the road, and the low lands were all so flooded by the 
river, that the Niger had the appearance of an exten- 
sive lake. In the evening I arrived at Kanika, where 
the dooty, who was sitting upon an elephant's hide at 
the gate, received me kindly, and gave me for supper 
some milk and meal, which I considered (as to a person 
in my situation it really was) a very great luxury. 

August 18th. — By mistake I took the wrong road, 
and did not discover my error until I had travelled 
nearly four miles, when, coming to an eminence, 1 ob- 
served the Niger considerably to the left. Directing 
my course towards it, I travelled through long grass 
and bushes with great difficulty, until two o'clock in 
the afternoon, when I came to a comparatively small 
but very rapid river, which I took at first for a creek, 
or one of the streams of the Niger. However, after I 
had examined it with more attention, I was convinced 
that it was a distinct river ; and as the road evidently 
crossed it (for I could see the pathway on the opposite 
side), I sat down upon the bank, in hopes that some 
traveller might arrive who would give me the neces- 
sary information concerning the fording place — for the 
banks were so covered with reeds and bushes that it 
would have been almost impossible to land on the other 
side, except at the pathway, which, on account of the 
rapidity of the stream, it seemed very difficult to reach. 
No traveller, however, arriving, and there being a great 
appearance of rain, I examined the grass and bushes 
for some way up the bank, and determined upon enter- 
ing the river considerably above the pathway, in order 
to reach the other side before the stream had swept 
me too far down. With this view I fastened my clothes 
upon the saddle, and was standing up to the neck in 
water, pulling my horse by the bridle to make him fol- 
low me, when a man came accidentally to the place, 
and seeing me in the water, called to me with great 
vehemence to come out. The alligators, he said, would 
devour both me and my horse, if we attempted to swim 
over. When I had got out, the stranger, who had never 
before seen a European, seemed wonderfully surprised. 
He twice put his hand to his mouth, exclaiming in a low 
tone of voice, " God preserve me ! who is this ?" but 
when he heard me speak the Bambarra tongue, and 
found that I was going the same way as himself, he 
promised to assist me in crossing the river, the name 
of which he told me was Prina. He then went a little 
way along the bank, and called to some person, who 
answered from the other side. In a short time, a canoe 
with two boys came paddling from among the reeds. 
These boys agreed for fifty kowries to transport me 
and my horse over the river, which was effected with- 
out much difficulty ; and I arrived in the evening at 
Taffara, a walled town, and soon discovered that the 
language of the natives was improved, from the cor- 
rupted dialect of Bambarra, to the pure Mandingo. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Inhospitable reception at Taffara.— A Negro Funeral at Sooha.— 
The Author continues his Route through several Villages along 



INHOSPITABLE RECEPTION AT TAFFAUA, 



51 



tho Banks of the Niger, until he comes to Koolikorro.— Sup- 
ports himself by writing Saphies— Reaches Maraboo.— Loses 
the Road, and after many difficulties arrives at Bammakoo.— 
Takes the Road for Sibidooloo — Meets with great kindness at a 
Village called Kooma— Is afterwards robbed, stripped, and 
plundered by Banditti.— The Author's Resource and Consola- 
tion under exquisite Distress.— He arrives in safety at Sibi- 
dooloo. 

On my arrival at Taffara I inquired for the dooty, but 
was informed that he had died a few days before my 
arrival, and that there was, at that moment, a meeting 
of the chief men for electing another — there being some 
dispute about the succession. It was probably owing 
to this unsettled state of the town that I experienced 
such a want of hospitality in it ; for though I informed 
the inhabitants that I should only remain with them 
for one night, and assured them that Mansong had 
given me some kowries to pay for my lodging, yet no 
person invited me to come in, and I was forced to sit 
alone under the bentang tree, exposed to the rain and 
wind of a tornado, which lasted with great violence 
until midnight. At this time the stranger who had 
assisted me in crossing the river, paid me a visit, and 
observing that I had not found a lodging, invited me 
to take part of his supper, which he had brought to the 
door of his hut ; for, being a guest himself, he could 
not, without his landlord's consent, invite me to come 
in. After this, I slept upon some wet grass in the 
corner of a court. My horse fared still worse than 
myself — the corn I had purchased being all expended, 
and I could not procure a supply. 

August 20th. — I passed the town of Jaba, and stop- 
ped a few minutes at a village called Somino, where I 
begged and obtained some coarse food, which the na- 
tives prepare from the husks of corn, and call boo. 
About two o'clock I came to the village of Sooha, and 
endeavoured to purchase some corn from the dooty, 
who was sitting by the gate, but without success. I 
then requested a little food by way of charity, but was 
told he had none to spare. Whilst I was examining 
the countenance of this inhospitable old man, and en- 
deavouring to find out the cause of the sullen discon- 
tent which was visible in his eye, he called to a slave 
who was working in the corn-field at a little distance, 
and ordered him to bring his hoe along with him. The 
dooty then told him to dig a hole in the ground, point- 
ing to a spot at no great distance. The slave, with his 
hoe, began to dig a pit in the earth, and the dooty, who 
appeared to be a man of a very fretful disposition, kept 
muttering and talking to himself until the pit was almost 
finished, when he repeatedly pronounced the words 
dankatoo (" good for nothing") — jankra lemen (" a real 
plague")— -which expressions I thought could be applied 
to nobody but myself ; and as the pit had very much 
the appearance of a grave, I thought it prudent to 
mount my horse, and was about to decamp, when the 
slave, who had before gone into the village, to my sur- 
prise returned with the corpse of a boy about nine or 
ten years of age, quite naked. The negro carried the 
body by a leg and an arm, and threw it into the pit 
with a savage indifference, which I had never before 
seen. As he covered the body with earth, the dooty 
often expressed himself, naphula attiniata (" money 
lost ") — whence I concluded that the boy had been one 
of his slaves. 

Departing from this shocking scene, I travelled by 
the side of the river until sunset, when I came to Koo- 
likorro, a considerable town, and a great market for 
salt. Here I took up my lodging at the house of a 
Bambarran, who had formerly been the slave of a Moor, 
and in that character had travelled to Aroan, Towdinni, 
and many other places in the Great Desert ; but turn- 
ing Mussulman, and his master dying at Jenne, he ob- 
tained his freedom, and settled at this place, where he 
carries on a considerable trade in salt, cotton-cloth, &c. 
His knowledge of the world had not lessened that su- 
perstitious confidence in saphies and charms which he 
had imbibed in his earlier years ; for when he heard 
that I was a Christian, he immediately thought of pro- 
curing a saphie, and for this purpose brought out his 



walha, or writing-board — assuring me, that he would 
dress me a supper of rice, if I would write him a saphie 
to protect him from wicked men. The proposal was of 
too great consequence to me to be refused. 1 there- 
fore wrote the board full, from top to bottom, on both 
sides ; and my landlord, to be certain of having the 
whole force of the charm, washed the writing from the 
board into a calabash with a little Avater, and having 
said a few prayers over it, drank this powerful draught ; 
after which, lest a single word should escape, he licked 
the board until it was quite dry. A saphie writer was 
a man of too great consequence to be long concealed — 
the important information was carried to the dooty, 
who sent his son with half a sheet of writing-paper, 
desiring me to write him a naphula saphie (a charm to 
procure wealth). He brought me, as a present, some 
meal and milk ; and when I had finished the saphie, 
and read it to him with an audible voice, he seemed 
highly satisfied with his bargain, and promised to bring 
me in the morning some milk for my breakfast. When 
I had finished my supper of rice and salt, 1 laid myself 
down upon a bullock's hide, and slept very quietly until 
morning — this being the first good meal and refreshing 
sleep that I had enjoyed for a long time. 

August 21st. — At daybreak I departed from Kooli- 
korro, and about noon passed the villages of Kayoo and 
Toolumbo. In the afternoon 1 arrived at Marraboo— 
a large town, and, like Koolikorro, famous for its trade 
in salt. I was conducted to the house of a Kaartan, 
of the tribe of Jower, by whom I was well received. 
This man had acquired a considerable property in the 
slave trade ; and, from his hospitality to strangers, was 
called, by way of pre-eminence, jatee (the landlord), 
and his house was a sort of public inn for all travellers. 
Those who had money were well lodged, for they always 
made him some return for his kindness, but those who 
had nothing to give were content to accept whatever 
he thought proper ; and as I could not rank myself 
among the monied men, I was happy to take up my 
lodging in the same hut with seven poor fellows who 
had come from Kancaba in a canoe. But our landlord 
sent us some victuals. 

August 22d. — One of the landlord's servants went 
with me a little way from the town to show me what 
road to take ; but, whether from ignorance or design 
I know not, he directed me wrong, and I did not dis- 
cover my mistake until the day was far advanced, when, 
coming to a deep creek, I had some thoughts of turning 
back ; but as, by that means, I foresaw that I could not 
possibly reach Bammakoo before night, I resolved to 
cross it, and leading my horse close to the brink, I went 
behind him, and pushed him headlong into the water, 
and then, taking the bridle in my teeth, swam over to 
the other side. This was the third creek 1 had crossed 
in this manner since I had left Sego ; but having se- 
cured my notes and memorandums in the crown of my 
hat, I received little or no inconvenience from such ad- 
ventures. The rain and heavy dew kept my clothes 
constantly wet ; and the roads being very deep, and 
full of mud, such a washing was sometimes pleasant, 
and oftentimes necessary. I continued travelling through 
high grass, without any beaten road, and about noon 
came to the river, the banks of which are here very 
rocky, and the force and roar of the water were very 
great. The king of Bambarra's canoes, however, fre- 
quently pass these rapids, by keeping close to the bank ; 
persons being stationed on the shore with ropes fas- 
tened to the canoe, while others push it forward with 
long poles. At this time, however, it would, I think, 
have been a matter of great difficulty for any European 
boat to have crossed the stream. About four o'clock 
in the afternoon, having altered my course from the 
river towards the mountains, I came to a small pathway 
which led to a village called Frookaboo, where I slept. 
August 23d. — Early in the morning I set out for 
Bammakoo, at which place I arrived about five o'clock 
in the afternoon. I had heard Bammakoo much talked 
of as a great market for salt, and I felt rather disap- 
pointed to find it only a middling town, not quite so 
large as Marraboo : however, the smallness of its size 



52 



PLUNDERED BY BANDITTI. 



is more than compensated by the richness of its inha- 
bitants ; for when the Moors bring their salt through 
Kaarta or Bambarra, they constantly rest a few days 
at this place, and the negro merchants here, who are 
well acquainted with the value of salt in different king- 
doms, frequently purchase by wholesale, and retail it 
to great advantage. Here I lodged at the house of a 
Serawoolli negro, and was visited by a number of 
Moors. They spoke very good Mandingo, and were 
more civil to me than their countrymen had been. One 
of them had travelled to Rio Grande, and spoke very 
highly of the Christians. He sent me in the evening 
some boiled rice and milk. I now endeavoured to pro- 
cure information concerning my route to the westward 
from a slave merchant who had resided some years on 
the Gambia. He gave me some imperfect account of the 
distance, and enumerated the names of a great many 
places that lay in the way, but withal told me, that the 
road was impassable at this season of the year : he 
was even afraid, he said, that I should find great diffi- 
culty in proceeding any farther ; as the road crossed the 
Joliba at a town about half a day's journey to the west- 
ward of Bammakoo, and there being no canoes at that 
place large enough to receive my horse, I could not pos- 
sibly get him over for some months to come. This was 
an obstruction of a very serious nature ; but as I had 
no money to maintain myself even for a few days, I 
resolved to push on, and if I could not convey my horse 
across the river, to abandon him, and swim over my- 
self. In thoughts of this nature I passed the night, 
and in the morning consulted with my landlord how I 
should surmount the present difficulty. He informed 
me that one road still- remained, which was indeed very 
rocky, and scarcely passable for horses; but that if I 
had a proper guide over the hills to a town called Sibi- 
dooloo, he had no doubt but with patience and caution 
I might travel forwards through Manding. I imme- 
diately applied to the dooty, and was informed that a 
jilli kea (singing man) was about to depart for Sibidoo- 
loo, and would show me the road over the hills. With 
this man, who undertook to be my conductor, I tra- 
velled up a rocky glen about two miles, when we came 
to a small village ; and here my musical fellow-traveller 
found out that he had brought me the wrong road. He 
told me that the horse-road lay on the other side of the 
hill, and throwing his drum upon his back, mounted up 
the rocks, where indeed no horse could follow him, 
leaving me to admire his agility, and trace out a road 
for myself. As I found it impossible to proceed, I rode 
back to the level ground, and directing my course to 
the eastward, came about noon to another glen, and 
discovered a path on which I observed the marks of 
horses' feet: following this path, I came in a short 
time to some shepherds' huts, where I was informed 
that I was in the right road, but that I could not pos- 
sibly reach Sibidooloo before night. Soon after this I 
gained the summit of a hill, from whence I had an ex- 
tensive view of the country. Towards the south-east 
appeared some very distant mountains, which I had 
formerly seen from an eminence near Marraboo, where 
the people informed me that these mountains were 
situated in a large and powerful kingdom called Kong, 
the sovereign of which could raise a much greater army 
than the king of Bambarra. Upon this height the soil 
is shallow ; the rocks are ironstone and schistus, with 
detached pieces of white quartz. 

A little before sunset I descended on the north-west 
side of this ridge of hills, and as I was looking about 
for a convenient tree under which to pass the night 
(for I had no hopes of reaching any town), I descended 
into a delightful valley, and soon afterwards arrived at 
a romantic village called Kooma. This village is sur- 
rounded by a high wall, and is the sole property of a 
Mandingo merchant, who fled hither with his family 
during a former war. The adjacent fields yield him 
plenty of corn, his cattle roam at large in the valley, 
and the rocky hills secure him from the depredations of 
war. In this obscure retreat he is seldom visited by 
strangers, but whenever this happens, he makes the 
weary traveller welcome. I soon found myself sur- 



rounded by a circle of the harmless villagers. They 
asked a thousand questions about my country ; and, in 
return for my information, brought corn and milk for 
myself, and grass for my horse, kindled a fire in the 
hut where I was to sleep, and appeared very anxious 
to serve me. 

August 25th. — I departed from Kooma, accompanied 
by two shepherds who were going towards Sibidooloo. 
The road was very steep and rocky, and as my horse 
had hurt his feet much in coming from Bammakoo, 
he travelled slowly and with great difficulty ; for in 
many places the ascent was so sharp, and the decli- 
vities so great, that if he had made one false step, he 
must inevitably have been dashed to pieces. The shep- 
herds being anxious to proceed, gave themselves littlo 
trouble about me or my horse, and kept walking on at 
a considerable distance. It was about eleven o'clock, 
as I stopped to drink a little water at a rivulet (my 
companions being near a quarter of a mile before me), 
that I heard some people calling to each other, and 
presently a loud screaming, as from a person in great 
distress. I immediately conjectured that a lion had 
taken one of the shepherds, and mounted my horse to 
have a better view of what had happened. The noise, 
however, ceased, and I rode slowly towards the place 
from whence I thought it had proceeded, calling out, 
but without receiving any answer. In a little time, 
however, I perceived one of the shepherds lying among 
the long grass near the road, and though I could see 
no blood upon him, I concluded he was dead. But 
when I came close to him, he whispered to me to stop, 
telling me that a party of armed men had seized upon 
his companion, and shot two arrows at himself as he 
was making his escape. I stopped to consider what 
course to take, and looking round, saw at a little dis- 
tance a man sitting upon the stump of a tree : I dis- 
tinguished also the heads of six or seven more, sitting 
among the grass, with muskets in their hands. I had 
now no hopes of escaping, and therefore determined 
to ride forward towards them. As I approached 
them, I was in hopes they were elephant-hunters ; and 
by way of opening the conversation, inquired if they 
had shot any thing, but, without returning an answer, 
one of them ordered me to dismount, and then, as if 
recollecting himself, waved with his hand for me to 
proceed. I accordingly rode past, and had with some 
difficulty crossed a deep rivulet, when I heard somebody 
holloa, and looking behind, saw those I had taken for 
elephant-hunters running after ine, and calling out to 
me to turn back. I stopped until they were all come 
up, when they informed me that the king of the Fou- 
lahs had sent them on purpose to bring me, my horse, 
and every thing that belonged to me, to Fooladoo, and 
that therefore I must turn back, and go along with 
them. Without hesitating a moment, I turned round 
and followed them, and we travelled together nearly a 
quarter of a mile without exchanging a word ; when 
coming to a dark place in the wood, one of them 
said, in the Mandingo language, " This place will do," 
and immediately snatched my hat from my head. — 
Though I was by no means free of apprehension, yet I 
resolved to show as few signs of fear as possible, and 
therefore told them, that unless my hat was returned 
to me, I should proceed no farther. But before I had 
time to receive an answer, another drew his knife, and 
seizing upon a metal button which remained upon my 
waistcoat, cut it off, and put it into his pocket. Their 
intentions were now obvious, and I thought that the 
easier they were permitted to rob me of every thing, 
the less I had to fear. I therefore allowed them to 
search my pockets without resistance, and examine 
every part of my apparel, which they did with the most 
scrupulous exactness. But observing that I had one 
waistcoat under another, they insisted that I should 
cast them both off; and at last, to make sure work, 
they stripped me quite naked. Even my half boots 
(though the sole of one of them was tied on to my foot 
with a broken bridle-rein) were minutely inspected. 
Whilst they were examining the plunder, I begged them, 
with great earnestness?, to return my pocket compass ; 



FORLORN CONDITION—HEALTH DECLINES. 



53 



but when I pointed it out to them, as it was lying on 
the ground, one of the banditti, thinking I was about to 
take it up, cocked his musket, and swore that he would 
lay me dead upon the spot, if I presumed to put my hand 
upon it. After this, some of them went away with my 
horse, and the remainder stood considering whether 
they should leave me quite naked, or allow me some- 
thing to shelter me from the sun. Humanity at last 
prevailed : they returned me the worst of the two shirts, 
and a pair of trousers ; and, as they went away, one of 
them threw back my hat, in the crown of which I kept 
my memorandums, and this was probably the reason 
they did not wish to keep it. After they were gone, I 
sat for some time looking around me with amazement 
and terror. Whichever way I turned, nothing appeared 
but danger and difficulty. I saw myself in the midst of 
a vast wilderness, in the depth of the rainy season — 
naked and alone, surrounded by savage animals, and 
men still more savage. I was five hundred miles from 
the nearest European settlement. All these circum- 
stances crowded at once on my recollection, and I con- 
fess that my spirits began to fail me. I considered my 
fate as certain, and that I had no alternative but to lie 
down and perish. The influence of religion, however, 
aided and supported me. I reflected that no human 
prudence or foresight could possibly have averted my 
present sufferings. I was indeed a stranger in a strange 
land, yet 1 was still under the protecting eye of that 
Providence who has condescended to call himself the 
stranger's friend. At this moment, painful as my re- 
flections were, the extraordinary beauty of a small 
moss in fructification irresistibly caught my eye. I 
mention this to show from what trifling circumstances 
the mind will sometimes derive consolation ; for though 
the whole plant was not larger than the top of one of my 
fingers, I could not contemplate the delicate conforma- 
tion of its roots, leaves, and capsula, without admira- 
tion. Can that being, thought I, who planted, watered, 
and brought to perfection, in this obscure part of the 
world, a thing which appears of so small importance, 
look with unconcern upon the situation and sufferings 
of creatures formed after his own image % Surely not ! 
Reflections like these would not allow me to despair. I 
started up, and, disregarding both hunger and fatigue, 
travelled forwards, assured that relief was at hand ; 
and I was not disappointed. In a short time I came to 
a small village, at the entrance of which I overtook the 
two shepherds who had come with me from Kooma. 
They were much surprised to see me ; for they said, 
they never doubted that the Foulahs, when they had 
robbed, had murdered me. Departing from this village, 
we travelled over several rocky ridges, and at sunset 
arrived at Sibidooloo, the frontier town of the kingdom 
of Manding. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Government of Manding.— The Author's Reception by the Mansa, 
or chief man, of Sibidooloo, who takes Measures for the Reco- 
very of his Horse and Effects.— The Author removes to Wanda 
—Great Scarcity, and its afflicting Consequences.— The Author 
recovers his Horse and Clothes— presents his Horse to the 
Mansa, and prosecutes his Journey to Kamalia— Some Account 
of that Town.— The Author's kind Reception by Karfa Taura, a 
Slatee, who proposes to go to the Gambia, in the next dry Sea- 
son, with a Caravan of Slaves.— The Author's Sickness, and 
Determination to remain and accompany Karfa. 

The town of Sibidooloo is situated in a fertile valley, 
surrounded with high rocky hills. It is scarcely acces- 
sible for horses, and during the frequent wars between 
the Bambarrans, Foulahs, and Mandingoes, has never 
once been plundered by an enemy. When I entered 
the town, the people gathered round me, and followed 
me into the baloon, where I was presented to the 
dooty or chief man, who is here called mansa, which 
usually signifies king. Nevertheless, it appeared to me 
that the government of Manding was a sort of republic, 
or rather an oligarchy — every town having a particular 
mansa, and the chief power of the state, in the lust re- 



sort, being lodged in the assembly of the whole bodv. 
I related to the mansa the circumstances of my havinc 
been robbed of my horse and apparel ; and my story 
was confirmed by the two shepherds. He continued 
smoking his pipe all the time I was speaking ; but I had 
no sooner finished, than, taking his pipe from his mouth, 
and tossing up the sleeve of his cloak with an indignant 
air — " Sit down," said he ; " you shall have every thing 
restored to you ; I have sworn it :" — and then, turning 
to an attendant, " Give the white man," said he, " a 
draught of water ; and with the first light of the morn- 
ing, go over the hills, and inform the dooty of Bamma- 
koo that a poor white man, the king of Bambarra's 
stranger, has been robbed by the king of Fooladoo's 
people." 

I little expected, in my forlorn condition, to meet 
with a man who could thus feel for my sufferings. I 
heartily thanked the mansa for his kindness, and ac- 
cepted his invitation to remain with him until the return 
of the messenger. I was conducted into a hut, and had 
some victuals sent me, but the crowd of people which 
assembled to see me — all of whom commiserated my 
misfortunes, and vented imprecations against the Fou- 
lahs — prevented me from sleeping until past midnight. 
Two days I remained without hearing any intelligence 
of my horse or clothes ; and as there was at this time 
a great scarcity of provisions, approaching even to fa- 
mine, all over this part of the country, I was unwilling 
to trespass any farther on the mansa's generosity, and 
begged permission to depart to the next village. Find- 
ing me very anxious to proceed, he told me that I might 
go as far as a town called Wonda, where he hoped I 
would remain a few days until I heard some account 
of my horse, &c. 

I departed accordingly on the next morning of the 
28th, and stopped at some small villages for refresh- 
ment. I was presented at one of them with a dish which 
I had never before seen. It was composed of the blos- 
soms or antherce of the maize, stewed in milk and water. 
It is eaten only in time of great scarcity. On the 30th, 
about noon, I arrived at Wonda. — a small town with a 
mosque, and surrounded by a high wall. The mansa, 
who was a Mahomedan, acted in two capacities — as 
chief magistrate of the town, and schoolmaster to the 
children. He kept his school in an open shed, where I 
was desired to take up my lodging until some account 
should arrive from Sibidooloo concerning m^ horse and 
clothes ; for though the horse was of little use to me, 
yet the few clothes were essential. The little raiment 
upon me could neither protect me from the sun by day, 
nor the dews and musquitoes by night: indeed, my 
shirt was not only worn thin like a piece of muslin, but 
withal was so very dirty that I was happy to embrace 
an opportunity of washing it, which having done, and 
spread it upon a bush, I sat down naked in the shade 
until it was dry. 

Ever since the commencement of the rainy season 
my health had been greatly on the decline. I had often 
been affected with slight paroxysms of fever ; and from 
the time of leaving Bammakoo, the symptoms had con- 
siderably increased. As I was sitting in the manner 
described, the fever returned with such violence that 
it very much alarmed me : the more so, as I had no 
medicine to stop its progress, nor any hope of obtaining 
that care and attention which my situation required. 

I remained at Wonda nine days, during which time 
I experienced the regular return of the fever every 
day. And though I endeavoured as much as possible 
to conceal my distress from my landlord, and frequently 
lay down the whole day out of his sight, in a field of 
corn — conscious how burdensome I was to him and 
his family, in a time of such great scarcity — yet I found 
that he was apprised of my situation ; and one morning, 
as I feigned to be asleep by the fire, he observed to his 
wife that they were likely to find me a very trouble- 
some and chargeable guest ; for that, in my present 
sickly state, they should be obliged, for the sake of their 
good name, to maintain me until I recovered or died. 

The scarcity of provisions was certainly felt at this 
time most severely by the poor people, as the following 



54 



ARRIVES AT KAMALtA. 



circumstance most painfully convinced me : — Every 
evening, during my stay, I observed five or six women 
come to the mansa's house, and receive each of them 
a certain quantity of corn. As I knew how valuable 
this article was at this juncture, I inquired of the mansa, 
whether he maintained these poor women from pure 
bounty, or expected a return when the harvest should 
be gathered in. " Observe that boy," said he (pointing 
to a fine child, about five years of age) ; " his mother 
has sold him to me, for forty days' provision for herself, 
and the rest of her family. I have bought another boy 
in the same manner." Good God ! thought I, what must 
a mother suffer before she sells her own child ! I could 
not get this melancholy subject out of my mind ; and 
the next night, when the women returned for their 
allowance, I desired the boy to point out to me his 
mother, which he did. She was much emaciated, but 
had nothing cruel or savage in her countenance ; and 
when she had received her corn, she came and talked 
to her son with as much cheerfulness as if he had still 
been under her care. 

September 6 th. — Two people arrived from Sibidooloo, 
bringing with them my horse and clothes ; but I found 
that my pocket compass was broken to pieces. This 
was a great loss, which I could not repair. 

September 7th. — As my horse was grazing near the 
brink of a well, the ground gave way, and he fell in. 
The well was about ten feet diameter, and so very deep, 
that when I saw my horse snorting in the water, I 
thought it was impossible to save him. The inhabitants 
of the village, however, immediately assembled, and 
having tied together a number of withes,* they lowered 
a man down into the well, who fastened those withes 
round the body of the horse ; and the people having 
first drawn up the man, took hold of the withes, and, 
to my surprise, pulled the horse out with the greatest 
facility. The poor animal was now reduced to a mere 
skeleton, and the roads were scarcely passable, being 
either very rocky, or else full of mud and water. I 
therefore found it impracticable to travel with him any 
farther, and was happy to leave him in the hands of 
one who I thought would take care of him. I accord- 
ingly presented him to my landlord, and desired him 
to send my saddle and bridle, as a present, to the mansa 
of Sibidooloo, being the only return I could make him 
for having taken so much trouble in procuring my horse 
and clothes* 

I now thought it necessary, sick as I was, to take 
leave of my hospitable landlord. On the morning of 
September 8th, when I was about to depart, he pre- 
sented me with his spear, as a token of remembrance, 
and a leather bag to contain my clothes. Having con- 
verted my half boots into sandals, I travelled with more 
ease, and slept that night at a village called Ballanti. 
On the 9th 1 reached Nemacoo ; but the mansa of the 
village thought fit to make me sup upon the camelion's 
dish. By way of apology, however, he assured me the 
next morning, that the scarcity of corn was such that 
he could not possibly allow me any. I could not accuse 
him of unkindness, as all the people actually appeared 
to be starving. 

September 10th. — It rained hard all day, and the 
people kept themselves in their huts. In the afternoon 
I was visited by a negro, named Modi Lemina Taura, 
a great trader, who, suspecting my distress, brought 
me some victuals, and promised to conduct me to his 
own house at Kinyeto the day following. 

September 11th. — I departed from Nemacoo, and 
arrived at Kinyeto in the evening ; but having hurt 
my ancle in the way, it swelled and inflamed so much, 
that 1 could neither walk nor set my foot to the ground 
the next day, without great pain. My landlord ob- 
serving this, kindly invited me to stop with him a few 
days, and I accordingly remained at his house until the 
14th, by which time i felt much relieved, and could 
walk with the help of a staff. I now set out, thanking 
my landlord for his great care and attention ; and being 
accompanied by a young man who was travelling the 
* From a plant called kabba, that climbs like a vine upon the 
trees. 



same way, I proceeded for Jerijang, a beautiful and 
well-cultivated district, the mansa of which is reckoned 
the most powerful chief of any in Manding. 

On the 15th I reached Dosita, a large town, where 
I staid one day on account of the rain ; but I con- 
tinued very sickly, and was slightly delirious in the 
night. On the 17 th I set out for Mansia, a consider- 
able town, where small quantities of gold are collected. 
The road led over a high rocky hill, and my strength 
and spirits were so much exhausted, that before I could 
reach the top of the hill I was forced to lie down three 
times, being very faint and sickly. I reached Mansia 
in the afternoon. The mansa of this town had the 
character of being very inhospitable ; he, however, sent 
me a little corn for my supper, but demanded some- 
thing in return ; and when I assured him that I had 
nothing of value in my possession, he told me (as if in 
jest) that my white skin should not defend me if I told 
him lies. He then showed me the hut wherein I was 
to sleep, but took away my spear, saying that it should 
be returned to me in the morning. This trifling cir- 
cumstance, when joined to the character I had heard 
of the man, made me rather suspicious of him, and I 
privately desired one of the inhabitants of the place, 
who had a bow and quiver, to sleep in the same hut 
with me. About midnight I heard somebody approach 
the door, and observing the moonlight strike suddenly 
into the hut, I started up, and saw a man stepping cau- 
tiously over the threshold. I immediately snatched up 
the negro's bow and quiver, the rattling of which made 
the man withdraw ; and my companion looking out, 
assured me that it was the mansa himself, and advised 
me to keep awake until the morning. I closed the 
door, and placed a large piece of wood behind it, and 
was wondering at this unexpected visit, when somebody 
pressed so hard against the door that the negro could 
scarcely keep it shut ; but when I called to him to open 
the door, the intruder ran off as before. 

September 16th. — As soon as it was light, the negro, 
at my request, went to the mansa's house and brought 
away my spear. He told me that the mansa was asleep, 
and lest this inhospitable chief should devise means to 
detain me, he advised me to set out before he was awake, 
which I immediately did, and about two o'clock reached 
Kamalia, a small town, situated at the bottom of some 
rocky hills, where the inhabitants collect gold in con- 
siderable quantities. The bushreens here live apart 
from the kafirs, and have built their huts in a scattered 
manner, at a short distance from the town. They have 
a place set apart for performing their devotions in, to 
which they give the name of missura, or mosque — but 
it is in fact nothing more than a square piece of ground 
made level, and surrounded with the trunks of trees, 
having a small projection towards the east, where the 
marraboo, or priest, stands when he calls the people to 
prayers. Mosques of this construction are very com- 
mon among the converted negroes, but having neither 
walls nor roof, they can only be used in fine weather. 
When it rains, the bushreens perform their devotions 
in their huts. 

On my arrival at Kamalia, I was conducted to the 
house of a bushreen named Karfa Taura, the brother 
of him to whose hospitality I was indebted at Kinyeto. 
He was collecting a coffle of slaves, with a view to sell 
them to the Europeans on the Gambia, as soon as the 
rains should be over. I found him sitting in his baloon, 
surrounded by several slatees who proposed to join the 
coffle. He was reading to them from an Arabic book, 
and inquired, with a smile, if I understood it ? Being 
answered in the negative, he desired one of the slatees 
to fetch the little curious book which had been brought 
from the west country. On opening this small volume, 
I was surprised and delighted to find it our Book of 
Common Prayer, and Karfa expressed great joy to hear 
that I could read it : for some of the slatees, who had 
seen the Europeans upon the coast, observing the colour 
of my skin (which was now become very yellow from 
sickness), my long beard, ragged clothes, and extreme 
poverty, were unwilling to admit that I was a white man, 
and told Karfa that they suspected I was some Arab 



ATTACKED WITH FEVEft AT KAMALIA. 



55 



in disguise. Karfa, however, perceiving that I could 
read this book, had no doubt concerning me, and kindly 
promised me every assistance in his power. At the 
same time lie informed me, that it was impossible to 
cross the Jallonka wilderness for many months yet to 
come, as no less than eight rapid rivers, he said, lay in 
the way. He added, that he intended to set out him- 
self for Gambia, as soon as the rivers were fordable 
and the grass burnt, and advised me to stay and ac- 
company him. He remarked, that when a caravan of 
the natives could not travel through the country, it was 
idle for a single white man to attempt it. I readily ad- 
mitted that such an attempt was an act of rashness, 
but 1 assured him that I had now no alternative — for 
having no money to support myself, I must either beg 
my subsistence, by travelling from place to place, or 
perish for want. Karfa now looked at me with great 
earnestness, and inquired if I could eat the common 
victuals of the country, assuring me he had never be- 
fore seen a white man. He added, that if I would re- 
main with him until the rains were over, he would give 
me plenty of victuals in the meantime, and a hut to 
sleep in, and that after he had conducted me in safety 
to the Gambia, I might then make him what return I 
thought proper. I asked him, if the value of one prime 
slave would satisfy him. He answered in the affirma- 
tive, and immediately ordered one of the huts to be 
swept for my accommodation. Thus was I delivered, 
by the friendly care of this benevolent negro, from a 
situation truly deplorable. Distress and famine pressed 
hard upon me. I had before me the gloomy wilds of 
Jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for 
five successive days. I had observed at a distance, the 
rapid course of the river Kokoro. I had almost marked 
out the place where I was doomed, I thought, to perish, 
when this friendly negro stretched out his hospitable 
hand for my relief. 

In the hut which was appropriated for me, I was 
provided with a mat to sleep on, an earthen jar for 
holding water, and a small calabash to drink out of — 
and Karfa sent me, from his own dwelling, two meals 
a-day, and ordered his slaves to supply me with fire- 
wood and water. But I found that neither the kind- 
ness of Karfa, nor any sort of accommodation, could put 
a stop to the fever which weakened me, and which be- 
came every day more alarming. I endeavoured as 
much as possible to conceal my distress — but on the 
third day after my arrival, as I was going with Karfa 
to visit some of his friends, I found myself so faint that 
I could scarcely walk, and before we reached the place, 
I staggered and fell into a pit from which the clay had 
been taken to build one of the huts. Karfa endeavoured 
to console me with the hopes of a speedy recovery, as- 
suring me, that if I would not walk out in the wet, I 
should soon be well. I determined to follow his advice, 
and confine myself to my hut, but was still tormented 
with the fever, and my health continued to be in a very 
precarious state for five ensuing weeks. Sometimes I 
could crawl out of the hut, and sit a few hours in the 
open air ; at other times I was unable to rise, and passed 
the lingering hours in a very gloomy and solitary man- 
ner. I was seldom visited by any person except my 
benevolent landlord, who came daily to inquire after 
my health. When the rains became less frequent, and 
the country began to grow dry, the fever left me, but 
in so debilitated a condition that I could scarcely stand 
upright ; and it was with great difficulty that I could 
carry my mat to the shade of a tamarind tree, at a short 
distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the corn fields, 
j;nd delight my eyes with a prospect of the country. I 
l.ad the pleasure at length to find myself in a state of 
convalescence, towards which the benevolent and simple 
manners of the negroes, and the perusal of Karfa's 
little volume, greatly contributed. 

In the meantime, many of the slatees who resided at 
Kamalia having spent all their money, and become in 
a great measure dependent upon Karfa's hospitality, 
beheld me with an eye of envy, and invented many 
ridiculous and trifling stories to lessen me in Karfa's 
esteem. And in the beginning of December, a ' 



woolli slatee, with five slaves, arrived from Sego : this 
man, too, spread a number of malicious reports con- 
cerning me, but Karfa paid no attention to them, and 
continued to show me the same kindness as formerly. 
As I was one day conversing with the slaves which this 
slatee had brought, one of them begged me to give 
him some victuals. I told him I was a stranger, and 
had none to give. He replied, " I gave you victuals 
when you was hungry. Have you forgot the man who 
brought you milk at Karrankalla? But," added he, 
with a sigh, " the irons were not then upon my leys /" I 
immediately recollected him, and begged some ground 
nuts from Karfa to give him, as a return for his former 
kindness. He told me that he had been taken by the 
Bambarrans the day after the battle at Joka, and sent 
to Sego, where he had been purchased by his present 
master, who was carrying him down to Kajaaga. Three 
more of these slaves were from Kaarta, and one from 
Wassela, all of them prisoners of war. They stopped 
four days at Kamalia, and were then taken to Bala, 
where they remained until the river Kokoro was ford- 
able, and the grass burnt. 

In the beginning of December, Karfa proposed to 
complete his purchase of slaves, and for this purpose 
collected all the debts which were owing to him in his 
own country; and on the 19th, being accompanied by 
three slatees, he departed for Kancaba, a large town on 
the banks of the Niger, and a great slave-market. Most 
of the slaves who are sold at Kancaba come from Bam- 
barra ; for Mansong, to avoid the expense and danger 
of keeping all his prisoners at Sego, commonly sends 
them in small parties to be sold at the different trading 
towns — and as Kancaba is much resorted to by mer- 
chants, it is aiways well supplied with slaves, which 
are sent thither up the Niger in canoes. When Karfa 
departed from Kamalia, he proposed to return in the 
course of a month, and during his absence 1 was left 
to the care of a good old bushreen, who acted as school- 
master to the young people of Kamalia. 

Being now left alone, and at leisure to indulge my 
own reflections, it was an opportunity not to be neglect- 
ed of augmenting and extending the observations I had 
already made on the climate and productions of the 
country, and of acquiring a more perfect knowledge of 
the natives than it was possible for me to obtain in 
the course of a transient and perilous journey through 
the country. I endeavoured likewise to collect all the 
information I could concerning those important branches 
of African commerce, the trade for gold, ivory, and 
slaves. Such was my employment during the remain- 
der of my stay at Kamalia ; and I shall now proceed to 
lay before my readers the result of my researches and 
inquiries, avoiding, as far as I can, a repetition of those 
circumstances and observations which were related, as 
occasion arose, in the narrative of my journey. 



CHAPTER XX. 



Of the Climate and Seasons.— Winds.— Vegetable Productions.— 
Population. — General Observations on the Character and Dis- 
position of the Mandingoes, and a summary Account of their 
Manners and Habits of Life, their Marriages, &c. 

The whole of my route, both in going and returning, 
having been confined to a tract of country bounded 
nearly by the 12th and 15th parallels of latitude, the 
reader must imagine that I found the climate in most 
places extremely hot, but no where did I feel the heat 
so intense and oppressive as in the camp at Benowm, of 
which mention has been made in a former place. In 
some parts, where the country ascends into hills, the 
air is at all times comparatively cool, yet none of the 
districts which I traversed could properly be called 
mountainous. About the middle of June, the hot and 
sultry atmosphere is agitated by violent gusts of wind 
(called tornadoes), accompanied with thunder and rain. 
These usher in what is denominated "the rainy season," 
which continues until the month of November. During 
this time the diurnal rains are very heavy, and the pre- 
vailing winds are from the south-west. The termination 



CLIMATE— POPULATION. 



of the rainy season is likewise attended with violent 
tornadoes, after which the wind shifts to the north- 
east, and continues to hlow from that quarter during 
the rest of the year. 

When the wind sets in from the north-east, it pro- 
duces a wonderful change in the face of the country. 
The grass soon becomes dry and withered, the rivers 
subside very rapidly, and many of the trees shed their 
leaves. About this period is commonly felt the harmat- 
tan, a dry and parching wind, blowing from the north- 
east, and accompanied by a thick smoky haze, through 
which the sun appears of a dull red colour. This wind, 
in passing over the great desert of Sahara, acquires a 
very strong attraction for humidity, and parches up 
every thing exposed to its current. It is, however, 
reckoned very salutary, particularly to Europeans, who 
generally recover their health during its continuance. 
I experienced immediate relief from sickness, both at 
Dr Laidley's and at Kamalia, during the harmattan. 
Indeed, the air during the rainy season is so loaded 
with moisture that clothes, shoes, trunks, and every 
thing that is not close to the fire, become damp and 
mouldy, and the inhabitants may be said to live in a 
sort of vapour bath ; but this dry wind braces up the 
solids, which were before relaxed, gives a cheerful flow 
of spirits, and is even pleasant to respiration. Its ill 
effects are, that it produces chaps in the lips, and afflicts 
many of the natives with sore eyes. 

Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry, the negroes set 
it on fire; but in Ludamar, and other Moorish countries, 
this practice is not allowed, for it is upon the withered 
stubble that the Moors feed their cattle, until the return 
of the rains. The burning the grass in Manding ex- 
hibits a scene of terrific grandeur. In the middle of 
the night, I could see the plains and mountains, as far 
as my eye could reach, variegated with lines of fire, 
and the light reflected on the sky made the heavens 
appear in a blaze. In the day time, pillars of smoke 
were seen in every direction, while the birds of prey 
were observed hovering round the conflagration, and 
pouncing down upon the snakes, lizards, and other rep- 
tiles, which attempted to escape from the flames. This 
annual burning is soon followed by a fresh and sweet 
verdure, and the country is thereby rendered more 
healthful and pleasant. 

Of the most remarkable and important of the vege- 
table productions, mention has already been made; 
and they are nearly the same in all the districts through 
which I passed. It is observable, however, that al- 
though many species of the edible roots which grow in 
the West India islands are found in Africa, yet I never 
saw, in any part of my journey, either the sugar-cane, 
the coffee, or the cocoa tree, nor could I learn, on in- 
quiry, that they were known to the natives. The pine- 
apple, and the thousand other delicious fruits, Avhich 
the industry of civilised man (improving the bounties 
of nature) has brought to so great perfection in the 
tropical climates of America, are here equally unknown. 
I observed, indeed, a few orange and banana trees 
near the mouth of the Gambia, but whether they were 
indigenous, or were formerly planted there by some of 
the white traders, I could not positively learn. I suspect 
that they were originally introduced by the Portuguese. 

Concerning property in the soil, it appeared to me 
that the lands in native woods were considered as be- 
longing to the king, or (where the government was not 
monarchical) to the state. When any individual of free 
condition had the means of cultivating more land than 
he actually possessed, he applied to the chief man of 
the district, who allowed him an extension of territory, 
on condition of forfeiture if the lands were not brought 
into cultivation by a given period. The condition being 
fulfilled, the soil became vested in the possessor, and, 
for aught that appeared to me, descended to his heirs. 

The population, however, considering the extent and 
fertility of the soil, and the ease with which lands are 
obtained, is not very great in the countries which I 
visited. I found many extensive and beautiful districts 
entirely destitute of inhabitants, and, in general, the 
borders of the different kingdoms wore eHher very 



thinly peopled or entirely deserted. Many places are 
likewise unfavourable to population from being un- 
healthful. The swampy banks of the Gambia, the Sene- 
gal, and other rivers towards the coast, are of this 
description. Perhaps it is on this account chiefly that the 
interior countries abound more with inhabitants than 
the maritime districts ; for all the negro nations that 
fell under my observation, though divided into a num- 
ber of petty independent states, subsist chiefly by the 
same means, five nearly in the same temperature, and 
possess a wonderful similarity of disposition. The Man- 
dingoes, in particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful 
in their dispositions, inquisitive, credulous, simple, and 
fond of flattery. Perhaps the most prominent defect 
in their character was that insurmountable propensity, 
which the reader must have observed to prevail in all 
classes of them, to steal from me the few effects I was 
possessed of. For this part of their conduct no com- 
plete justification can be offered, because theft is a 
crime in their own estimation ; and it must be observed, 
that they are not habitually and generally guilty of it 
towards each other. This, however, is an important 
circumstance in mitigation ; and before we pronounce 
them a more depraved people than any other, it were 
well to consider whether the lower order of people in any 
part of Europe would have acted, under similar circum- 
stances, with greater honesty towards a stranger than 
the negroes acted towards me. It must not be forgotten 
that the laws of the country afforded me no protection ; 
that every one was at liberty to rob me with impunity ; 
and, finally, that some part of my effects were of as 
great value in the estimation of the negroes, as pearls 
and diamonds would have been in the eyes of a Euro- 
pean. Let us suppose a black merchant of Hindostan 
to have found his way into the centre of England, with 
a box of jewels at his back, and that the laws of the 
kingdom afforded him no security ; in such a case the 
wonder would be, not that the stranger was robbed of 
any part of his riches, but that any part was left for a 
second depredator. Such, on sober reflection, is the 
judgment I have formed concerning the pilfering dis- 
position of the Mandingo negroes towards myself. Not- 
withstanding I was so great a sufferer by it, I do not 
consider that their natural sense of justice was per- 
verted or extinguished : it was overpowered only, for 
the moment, by the strength of a temptation which it 
required no common virtue to resist. 

On the other hand, as some counterbalance to this 
depravity in their nature, allowing it to be such, it is 
impossible for me to forget the disinterested charity 
and tender solicitude with which many of these poor 
heathens (from the sovereign of Sego to the poor 
women who received me at different times into their 
cottages when I was perishing of hunger) sympathised 
with me in my sufferings, relieved my distresses, and 
contributed to my safety. This acknowledgment, how- 
ever, is perhaps more particularly due to the female 
part of the nation. Among the men, as the reader 
must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, 
was sometimes otherwise. It varied according to the 
various tempers of those to whom I made application. 
The hardness of avarice in some, and the blindness of 
bigotry in others, had closed up the avenues to com- 
passion ; but I do not recollect a single instance of 
hard-heartedness towards me in the women. In all my 
wanderings and wretchedness, I found them uniformly 
kind and compassionate ; and I can truly say, as my 
predecessor Mr Ledyard has eloquently said before. me, 
a To a woman I never addressed myself in the lan- 
guage of decency and friendship, without receiving a 
decent and friendly answer. If I was hungry, or 
thirsty, wet, or sick, they did not hesitate, like the men, 
to perform a generous action. In so free and so kind a 
manner did they contribute to my relief, that if I was 
dry, I drank the sweetest draught, and if hungry, I ate 
the coarsest morsel, with a double relish." 

It is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and 
amiable sympathy of nature, which was thus sponta- 
neously manifested towards me in my distress, is dis- 
played by these poor people, as occasion requires, much 



MANNERS OF THE MANDINGO WOMEN. 



57 



more strongly towards persons of their own nation and 
neighbourhood, and especially when the objects of their 
compassion are endeared to them by the ties of con- 
sanguinity. Accordingly, the maternal affection (neither 
suppressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the soli- 
citudes of civilised life) is evei*y where conspicuous 
among them, and creates a correspondent return of 
tenderness in the child. An illustration of this has 
been already given : — " Strike me," said my attendant, 
" but do not curse my mother." The same sentiment I 
found universally to prevail, and observed in all parts 
of Africa, that the greatest affront which could be 
offered to a negro was to reflect on her who gave him 
birth. 

It is not strange that this sense of filial duty and af- 
fection among the negroes should be less ardent towards 
the father than the mother. The system of polygamy, 
while it weakens the father's attachment by dividing 
it among the children of different wives, concentrates 
all the mother's jealous tenderness to one point — the 
protection of her own offspring. I perceived with great 
satisfaction, too, that the maternal solicitude extended 
not only to the growth and security of the person, but 
also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of the 
mind of the infant ; for one of the first lessons in which 
the Mandingo women instruct their children, is the 
practice of truth. The reader will probably recollect 
the case of the unhappy mother, whose son was mur- 
dered by the Moorish banditti at Funingkedy. Her 
only consolation in her uttermost distress was the re- 
flection that the poor boy, in the course of his blameless 
life, had never told a lie. Such testimony from a fond 
mother on such an occasion, must have operated power- 
fully on the youthful part of the surrounding spectators. 
It was at once a tribute of praise to the deceased, and 
a lesson to the living. 

The negro women suckle their children until they 
are able to walk of themselves. Three years' nursing 
is not uncommon, and during this period the husband 
devotes his whole attention to his other wives. To this 
practice it is owing, I presume, that the family of each 
wife is seldom very numerous. Few women have more 
than five or six children. As soon as an infant is able 
to walk, it is permitted to run about with great freedom. 
The mother is not over solicitous to preserve it from 
slight falls, and other trifling accidents. A little prac- 
tice soon enables a child to take care of itself, and ex- 
perience acts the part of a nurse. As they advance in 
life, the girls are taught to spin cotton, and to beat corn, 
and are instructed in other domestic duties, and the 
boys are employed in the labours of the field. Both 
sexes, whether bushreens or kafirs, on attaining the 
age of puberty are circumcised. This painful operation 
is not considered by the kafirs so much in the light of 
a religious ceremony as a matter of convenience and 
utility. They have, indeed, a superstitious notion that 
it contributes to render the marriage state prolific. 
The operation is performed upon several young people 
at the same time, all of whom are exempted from every 
sort of labour for two months afterwards. During this 
period they form a society called solimana. They visit 
the towns and villages in the neighbourhood, where 
they dance and sing, and are well treated by the inha- 
bitants. I had frequently, in the course of my journey, 
observed parties of this description, but they were all 
males. I had, however, an opportunity of seeing a 
female solimana at Kamalia. 

In the course of this celebration, it frequently hap- 
pens that some of the young women get married. If 
a man takes a fancy to any one of them, it is not con- 
sidered as absolutely necessary that he should make an 
overture to the girl herself. The first object is to agree 
with the parents concerning the recompense to be given 
them for the loss of the company and services of their 
daughter. The value of two slaves is a common price, 
unless the girl is thought very handsome, in which case 
the parents will raise their demand very considerably. 
If the lover is rich enough, and willing to give the sum 
demanded, he then communicates his wishes to the 
damsel ; but her consent is by no means necessary to 



the match, for if the parents agree to it, and eat a few 
kolla nuts, which are presented by the suitor as an ear- 
nest of the bargain, the young lady must either have 
the man of their choice, or continue unmarried, for she 
cannot afterwards be given to another. If the parents 
should attempt it, the lover is then authorised, by the 
laws of the country, to seize upon the girl as his slave. 
When the day for celebrating the nuptials is fixed on, 
a select number of people are invited to be present at 
the wedding — a bullock or goat is killed, and great 
plenty of victuals dressed for the occasion. As soon 
as it is dark, the bride is conducted into a hut, where 
a company of matrons assist in arranging the wedding- 
dress, which is always white cotton, and is put on in 
such a manner as to conceal the bride from head to 
foot. Thus arrayed, she is seated upon a mat in the 
middle of the floor, and the old women place themselves 
in a circle round her. They then give her a series of 
instructions, and point out, with great propriety, what 
ought to be her future conduct in life. This scene of 
instruction, however, is frequently interrupted by girls, 
who amuse the company with songs and dances, which 
are rather more remarkable for their gaiety than delicacy. 
While the bride remains within the hut with the women, 
the bridegroom devotes his attention to the guests of both 
sexes who assemble without doors, and by distributing 
among them small presents of kolla nuts, and seeing 
that every one partakes of the good cheer which is 
provided, he contributes much to the general hilarity 
of the evening. When supper is ended, the company 
spend the remainder of the night in singing and dancing, 
and seldom separate until daybreak. About midnight, 
the bride is privately conducted by the women into 
the hut which is to be her future residence, and the 
bridegroom, upon a signal given, retires from his com- 
pany. The newly married couple, however, are al- 
ways disturbed towards morning by the women, avIio 
assemble to inspect the nuptial sheet (according to the 
manners of the ancient Hebrews, as recorded in Scrip- 
ture), and dance round it. This ceremony is thought 
indispensably necessary, nor is the marriage considered 
as valid Avithout it. 

The negroes, as hath been frequently observed, whe- 
ther Mahomedan or pagan, allow a plurality of wives. 
The Mahomedans alone are by their religion confined 
to four, and as the husband commonly pays a great price 
for each, he requires from all of them the utmost defe- 
rence and submission, and treats them more like hired 
servants than companions. They have, however, the 
management of domestic affairs, and each in rotation is 
mistress of the household, and has the care of dressing 
the victuals, overlooking the female slaves, &c. But 
though the African husbands are possessed of great 
authority over their wives, I did not observe that in 
general they treat them with cruelty, neither did I per- 
ceive that mean jealousy in their dispositions which is 
so prevalent among the Moors. They permit their 
wives to partake of all public diversions, and this indul- 
gence is seldom abused, for though the negro women 
are very cheerful and frank in their behaviour, they 
are by no means given to intrigue — I believe that in- 
stances of conjugal infidelity are not common. When 
the wives quarrel among themselves — a circumstance 
which, from the nature of their situation, must fre- 
quently happen — the husband decides between them, 
and sometimes finds it necessary to administer a little 
corporal chastisement, before tranquillity can be re- 
stored. But if any one of the ladies complains to the 
chief of the town that her husband has unjustly pu- 
nished her, and shown an undue partiality to some other 
of his wives, the affair is brought to a public trial. In 
these palavers, however, which are conducted chiefly 
by married men, I was informed that the complaint of 
the wife is not always considered in a very serious 
light, and the complainant herself is sometimes con- 
victed of strife and contention, and left without re- 
medy. If she murmurs at the decision of the court, 
the magic rod of Mumbo Jumbo soon puts an end to 
the business. 

The children of the Mandinsroes are not alwavs named 



58 



NOTIONS AND BELIEF OF THE MANDINGOES. 



after their relations, but frequently in consequence of 
some remarkable occurrence. Thus, my landlord at 
Kamalia was called Karfa, a word signifying to replace, 
because he was born shortly after the death of one of 
his brothers. Other names are descriptive of good or 
bad qualities — as Modi, a good man ; Fadibba, father of 
the town, &c. : indeed, the very names of their towns 
have something descriptive in them — as Sibidooloo, the 
town of ciboa trees ; Kenneyeto, victuals here ; Dosita, 
lift your spoon. Others appear to be given by way of 
reproach — as Bammakoo, wash a crocodile ; Karrankalla, 
no cup to drink from, &c. A child is named when it 
is seven or eight days old. The ceremony commences 
by shaving the infant's head ; and a dish called dega, 
made of pounded corn and sour milk, is prepared for 
the guests. If the parents are rich, a sheep or a goat 
is commonly added. This feast is called ding koon lee 
(the child's head shaving). During my stay at Kamalia, 
I was present at four different feasts of this kind, and 
the ceremony was the same in each, whether the child 
belonged to a bushreen or a kafir. The schoolmaster, 
who officiated as priest on those occasions, and who is 
necessarily a bushreen, first said a long prayer over 
the dega, during which every person present took hold 
of the brim of the calabash with his right hand. After 
this, the schoolmaster took the child in his arms, and said 
a second prayer, in which he repeatedly solicited the 
blessing of God upon the child, and upon all the company. 
When this prayer was ended, he whispered a few sen- 
tences in the child's ear, and spat three times in its face, 
after which he pronounced its name aloud, and returned 
the infant to the mother. This part of the ceremony 
being ended, the father of the child divided the dega into 
a number of balls, one of which he distributed to every 
person present ; and inquiry was then made if any per- 
son in the town was dangerously sick, it being usual 
in such cases to send the party a large portion of the 
dega, which is thought to possess great medical virtues.* 

Among the negroes every individual, besides his own 
proper name, has likewise a kontong, or surname, to 
denote the family or clan to which he belongs. Some 
of these families are very numerous and powerful. It 
is impossible to enumerate the various kontongs which 
are found in different parts of the country, though the 
knowledge of many of them is of great service to the 
traveller, for as every negro plumes himself upon the 
importance or the antiquity of his clan, he is much 
flattered when he is addressed by his kontong. 

Salutations among the negroes to each other, when 
they meet, are always observed, but those in most 
general use among the kafirs are Abbe haeretto, Ening 
sera, Anawari, &c, all of which have nearly the same 
meaning, and signify " Are you well ?" or to that effect. 
There are likewise salutations which are used at diffe- 
rent times of the day, as Ening somo (" Good morning "), 
&.c. The general answer to all salutations, is to repeat 
the kontong of the person who salutes, or else to repeat 
the salutation itself, first pronouncing the word Marhaba 
(" My friend.") 



CHAPTER XXI. 

The Account of the Mandingoes continued.— Their Notions in 
respect of the Planetary Bodies, and the Figure of the Earth. 
—Their Religious Opinions, and Belief in a Future State.— 
Their Diseases and Methods of Treatment. — Their Funeral 
Ceremonies, Amusements, Occupations, Diet, Arts, Manufac- 
tures, &.C. 

The Mandingoes, and I believe the negroes in general, 
have no artificial method of dividing time. They cal- 
culate the years by the number of rainy seasons. They 
portion the year into moons, and reckon the days by so 
many suns. The day they divide into morning, mid- 
day, and evening ; and farther subdivide it, when ne- 
cessary, by pointing to the sun's place in the heavens. 

* Soon after baptism, the children arc marked in different 
parts of the skin, in a manner resembling what is called tatoolng 
in the South Sea Islands. 



I frequently inquired of some of them what became of 
the sun during the night, and whether we should see 
the same sun, or a different one, in the morning ; but 
I found that they considered the question as very child- 
ish. The subject appeared to them as placed beyond 
the reach of human investigation — they had never in- 
dulged a conjecture, nor formed any hypothesis, about 
the matter. The moon, by varying her form, has more 
attracted their attention. On the first appearance of the 
new moon, which they look upon to be newly created, 
the pagan natives, as well as Mahomedans, say a short 
prayer ; and this seems to be the only visible adoration 
which the kafirs offer up to the Supreme Being. This 
prayer is pronounced in a whisper — the party holding 
up his hands before his face : its purport (as I have 
been assured by many different people) is to return 
thanks to God for his kindness through the existence 
of the past moon, and to solicit a continuation of his 
favour during that of the new one. At the conclusion, 
they spit upon their hands, and rub them over their 
faces. This seems to be nearly the same ceremony 
which prevailed among the heathens in the days of Job.* 

Great attention, however, is paid to the changes of 
this luminary in its monthly course, and it is thought 
very unlucky to begin a journey, or any other work of 
consequence, in the last quarter. An eclipse, whether 
of the sun or moon, is supposed to be effected by witch- 
craft. The stars are very little regarded ; and the 
whole study of astronomy appears to them as a useless 
pursuit, and attended to by such persons only as deal 
in magic. 

Their notions of geography are equally puerile. They 
imagine that the world is an extended plain, the termi- 
nation of which no eye has discovered — it being, they 
say, overhung with clouds and darkness. They describe 
the sea as a large river of salt water, on the farther shore 
of which is situated a country called Tobaubo doo — 
(the land of the white people). At a distance from 
Tobaubo doo, they describe another country, which 
they allege is inhabited by cannibals of gigantic size, 
called komi. This country they call Jong sang doo — 
(the land where the slaves are sold). But of all countries 
in the world their own appears to them as the best, and 
their own people as the happiest ; and they pity the fate 
of other nations, who have been placed by Providence 
in less fertile and less fortunate districts. 

Some of the religious opinions of the negroes, though 
blended with the weakest credulity and superstition, 
are not unworthy attention. I have conversed with all 
ranks and conditions upon the subject of their faith, 
and can pronounce, without the smallest shadow of 
doubt, that the belief of one God, and of a future state 
of reward and punishment, is entire and universal 
among them. It is remarkable, however, that except 
on the appearance of a new moon, as before related, 
the pagan natives do not think it necessary to offer up 
prayers and supplications to the Almighty. They re- 
present the Deity, indeed, as the creator and preserver 
of all things; but in general they consider him as a 
being so^ remote, and of so exalted a nature, that it is 
idle to imagine the feeble supplications of wretched 
mortals can reverse the decrees, and change the pur- 
poses, of unerring wisdom. If they are asked, for what 
reason then do they offer up a prayer on the appear- 
ance of the new moon, the answer is, that custom has 
made it necessary — they do it because their fathers did 
it before them. Such is the blindness of unassisted na- 
ture ! The concerns of this world, they believe, are com- 
mitted by the Almighty to the superintendence and di- 
rection of subordinate spirits, over whom they suppose 
that certain magical ceremonies have great influence. 
A white fowl, suspended to the branch of a particular 
tree, a snake's head, or a few handfuls of fruit, are of- 
ferings which ignorance and superstition frequently 
present, to deprecate the wrath, or to conciliate the 
favour, of these tutelary agents. But it is not often 
that the negroes make their religious opinions the sub- 
ject of conversation : when interrogated, in particular, 
concerning their ideas of a future state, they express 
* Chap. xxxi. vcr. 20, 27, 28. 



MUSIC OF THE MANDINGOES. 



59 



themselves with great reverence, but endeavour to 
shorten the discussion by observing, Mo o mo inta alio 
(" No man knows any thing about it.") They are con- 
tent, they say, to follow the precepts and examples of 
th^ir forefathers, through the various vicissitudes of life ; 
and when this world presents no objects of enjoyment 
or of comfort, they seem to look with anxiety towards 
another, which they believe will be better suited to their 
natures, but concerning which they are far from in- 
dulging vain and delusive conjectures. 

The Mandingoes seldom attain extreme old age. At 
forty, most of them become grey-haired and covered 
with wrinkles, and but few of them survive the age of 
fifty-five or sixty. They calculate the years of their 
lives, as I have already observed, by the number of 
rainy seasons (there being but one such in the year), 
and distinguish each year by a particular name, founded 
on some remarkable occurrence which happened in that 
year. Thus, they say, the year of the Farbanna war — 
the year of the Kaarta war — the year on which Gadou 
was plundered, &c. &c. ; and I have no doubt that the 
year 1796 will in many places be distinguished by the 
name of tobaubo tambi sang (the year the white man 
passed), as such an occurrence would naturally form 
an epoch in their traditional history. 

But notwithstanding that longevity is uncommon 
among them, it appeared to me that their diseases are 
but few in number. Their simple diet, and active way 
of life, preserve them from many of those disorders 
which embitter the days of luxury and idleness. Fevers 
and fluxes are the most common and the most fatal. 
For these they generally apply saphies to different 
parts of the body, and perform a great many other su- 
perstitious ceremonies — some of which are, indeed, well 
calculated to inspire the patient with the hope of re- 
covery, and divert his mind from brooding over his 
own danger — but I have sometimes observed among 
them a more systematic mode of treatment. On the 
first attack of a fever, when the patient complains of 
cold, he is frequently placed in a sort of vapour bath. 
This is done by spreading branches of the nauclea 
orientalis upon hot wood embers, and laying the patient 
upon them, wrapped up in a large cotton cloth. Water is 
then sprinkled upon the branches, which descending 
to the hot embers, soon covers the patient with a cloud 
of vapour, in which he is allowed to remain until the 
embers are almost extinguished. This practice com- 
monly produces a profuse perspiration, and wonderfully 
relieves the sufferer. 

For the dysentery, they use the bark of different 
trees reduced to powder, and mixed with the patient's 
food ; but this practice is in general very unsuccessful. 

The other diseases which prevail among the negroes 
are the yaws, the elephantiasis, and a leprosy of the 
very worst kind. This last-mentioned complaint ap- 
pears at the beginning in scurfy spots upon different 
parts of the body, which finally settle upon the hands 
or feet, where the skin becomes withered, and cracks 
in many places. At length, the ends of the fingers 
swell and ulcerate — the discharge is acrid and fetid — 
the nails drop off, and the bones of the fingers become 
carious, and separate at the joints. In this manner 
the disease continues to spread, frequently until the 
patient loses all his fingers and toes. Even the hands 
and feet are sometimes destroyed by this inveterate 
malady, to which the negroes give the name of balla jou 
(incurable). 

The guinea worm is likewise very common in certain 
places, especially at the commencement of the rainy 
season. The negroes attribute this disease, which has 
been described by many writers, to bad water, and 
allege, that the people who drink from wells are more 
subject to it than those who drink from streams. To 
the same cause they attribute the swelling of the glands 
of the neck (goitres), which are very common in some 
parts of Bambarra. I observed also, in the interior 
countries, a few instances of simple gonorrhoea, but 
never the confirmed lues. On the whole, it appeared 
to me that the negroes are better surgeons than phy- 
sicians. I found them very successful in their manage- 



ment of fractures and dislocations, and their splints and 
bandages are simple and easily removed. The patient 
is laid upon a soft mat, and the fractured limb is fre- 
quently bathed with cold water. All abscesses they open 
with the actual cautery, and the dressings are composed 
of either soft leaves, shea butter, or cow's dung, as the 
case seems, in their judgment, to require. Towards 
the coast, where a supply of European lancets can be 
procured, they sometimes perform phlebotomy, and in 
cases of local inflammation a curious sort of cupping is 
practised. This operation is performed by making in- 
cisions in the part, and applying to it a bullock's horn, 
with a small hole in the end. The operator then takes 
a piece of bees' wax in his mouth, and putting his lips 
to the hole, extracts the air from the horn, and, by a 
dexterous use of his tongue, stops up the hole with the 
wax. This method is found to answer the purpose, 
and in general produces a plentiful discharge. 

When a person of consequence dies, the relations 
and neighbours meet together, and manifest their sor- 
row by loud and dismal howlings. A bullock or goat 
is killed for such persons as come to assist at the fu- 
neral, which generally takes place in the evening of 
the same day on which the party died. The negroes 
have no appropriate burial places, and frequently dig 
the grave in the floor of the deceased's hut, or in the 
shade of a favourite tree. The body is dressed in white 
cotton, and wrapped up in a mat. It is carried to the 
grave, in the dusk of the evening, by the relations. If 
the grave is without the walls of the town, a number 
of prickly bushes are laid upon it to prevent the wolves 
from digging up the body, but I never observed that 
any stone was placed over the grave as a monument or 
memorial. 

Hitherto I have considered the negroes chiefly in a 
moral light, and confined myself to the most promi- 
nent features in their mental character ; their domestic 
amusements, occupations, and diet, their arts and 
manufactures, with some other subordinate objects, 
are now to be noticed. 

Of their music and dances, some account has inci- 
dentally been given in different pai'ts of my journal. 
On the first of these heads, I have now to add a list of 
their musical instruments, the principal of which are — 
the koonting, a sort of guitar with three strings ; the 
korro, a large harp, with eighteen strings ; the simbing, 
a small harp, with seven strings ; the balafoit, an in- 
strument composed of twenty pieces of hard wood of 
different lengths, with the shells of gourds hung under- 
neath to increase the sound; the tangtang, a drum, 
open at the lower end ; and, lastly, the tabala, a large 
drum, commonly used to spread an alarm through the 
country. Besides these, they make use of small flutes, 
bowstrings, elephants' teeth, and bells ; and at all their 
dances and concerts, clapping of hands appears to con- 
stitute a necessary part of the chorus. 

With the love of music is naturally connected a taste 
for poetry; and fortunately for the poets of Africa, 
they are in a great measure exempted from that ne- 
glect and indigence which in more polished countries 
commonly attend the votaries of the Muses. They con- 
sist of two classes ; the most numerous are the sing- 
ing men, called jilli kea, mentioned in a former part of 
my narrative. One or more of these may be found in 
every town. They sing extempore songs in honour of 
their chief men, or any other persons who are willing 
to give "solid pudding for empty praise." But a nobler 
part of their office is to recite the historical events of 
their country : hence, in war they accompany the 
soldiers to the field, in order, by reciting the great 
actions of their ancestors, to awaken in them a spirit of 
glorious emulation. The other class are devotees of the 
Mahomedan faith, who travel about the country sing- 
ing devout hymns, and performing religious ceremonies, 
to conciliate the favour of the Almighty, either in avert- 
ing calamity, or insuring success to any enterprise. Both 
descriptions of these itinerant bards are much employed 
and respected by the people, and very liberal contribu- 
tions are made for them. 
The usual diet of the negroes is somewhat different 



60 



MANUFACTURES OF THE MANDINGOES. 



in different districts ; in general, the people of free con- 
dition breakfast about daybreak upon gruel made of 
meal and water, with a little of the fruit of the tamarind 
to give it an acid taste. About two o'clock in the after- 
noon, a sort of hasty -pudding, with a little shea butter, 
is the common meal ; but the supper constitutes the 
principal repast, and is seldom ready before midnight. 
This consists almost universally of kouskous, with a 
small portion of animal food or shea butter mixed 
with it. In eating, the katirs, as well as Mahomedans, 
use the right hand only. 

The beverages of the pagan negroes are beer and 
mead, of each of which they frequently drink to excess. 
The Mahomedan converts drink nothing but water. 
The natives of all descriptions take snulf and smoke 
tobacco ; their pipes are made of wood, with an earthen 
bowl of curious workmanship. But in the interior 
countries the greatest of all luxuries is salt. It would 
appear strange to a European to see a child suck a 
piece of rock-salt as if it were sugar. This, however, I 
have frequently seen, although, in the inland parts, the 
poorer class of inhabitants are so very rarely indulged 
with this precious article, that to say a man eats salt 
with his victuals, is the same as saying, he is a rich man. 
I have myself suffered great inconvenience from the 
scarcity of this article. The long use of vegetable food 
creates so painful a longing for salt, that no words can 
sufficiently describe it. 

The negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in par- 
ticular, are considered by the whites on the coast as 
an indolent and inactive people, I think without rea- 
son. The nature of the climate is, indeed, unfavour- 
able to great exertion; but surely a people cannot 
justly be denominated habitually indolent, whose wants 
are supplied, not by the spontaneous productions of 
nature, but by their own exertions. Few people work 
harder, when occasion requires, than the Mandingoes, 
but not having many opportunities of turning to advan- 
tage the superfluous produce of their labour, they are 
content with cultivating as much ground only as is 
necessary for their own support. The labours of the 
field give them pretty full employment during the rains, 
and, in the dry season, the people who live in the vici- 
nity of large rivers employ themselves chiefly in fish- 
ing. The fish are taken hi wicker baskets, or with 
small cotton nets, and are preserved by being first 
dried in the sun, and afterwards rubbed with shea 
butter, to prevent them from contracting fresh mois- 
ture. Others of the natives employ themselves in hunt- 
ing. Their weapons are bows and arrows : but the 
arrows in common use are not poisoned.* They are 
very dexterous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a 
tree, or any other small object, at an amazing distance. 
They likewise kill guinea-fowls, partridges, and pigeons, 
but never on the wing. While the men are occupied in 
these pursuits, the women are very diligent in manu- 
facturing cotton cloth. They prepare the cotton for 
spinning, by laying it in small quantities at a time upon 
a smooth stone or piece of wood, and rolling the seeds 
out with a thick iron spindle ; and they spin it with the 
distaff. The thread is not fine, but well twisted, and 
makes a very durable cloth. A woman with common 
diligence will spin from six to nine garments of this 
cloth in one year, which, according to its fineness, will 
sell for a minkalli and a half, or two minkallies each.f 
The weaving is performed by the men. The loom is 
made exactly upon the same principle as that of Europe, 
but so small and narrow, that the web is seldom more 
than four inches broad. The shuttle is of the common 

* Poisoned arrows are used chiefly in war. The poison, which 
is said to be very deadly, is prepared from a shrub called koona 
(a species of echites), which is very common in the woods. The 
leaves of this shrub, when boiled with a small quantity of water, 
yield a thick black juice, into which the negroes dip a cotton 
thread: this thread they fasten round the iron of the arrow in 
such a manner that it is almost impossible to extract the arrow, 
when it has sunk beyond the barbs, without leaving the iron 
point and the poisoned thread in the wound. 

t A minkalli is a quantity of gold nearly equal in value to ten 
shillings sterling. 



construction, but as the thread is coarse, the chamber" 
is somewhat larger than the European. 

The women dye this cloth of a rich and lasting blue 
colour, by the following simple process: — The leaves of 
the indigo, when fresh gathered, are pounded in a 
wooden mortar, and mixed in a large earthen jar, with 
a strong ley of wood ashes ; chamber-ley is sometimes 
added. The cloth is steeped in this mixture, and 
allowed to remain until it has acquired the proper 
shade. In Kaarta and Ludamar, where the indigo is 
not plentiful, they collect the leaves and dry them in 
the sun ; and when they wish to use them, they reduce 
a sufficient quantity to powder, and mix it with the ley 
as before mentioned. Either way the colour is very 
beautiful, with a fine purple gloss, and equal, in my 
opinion, to the best Indian or European blue. This 
cloth is cut into various pieces, and sewed into gar- 
ments with needles of the natives' own making. 

As the arts of weaving, dyeing, sewing, &c. may easily 
be acquired, those who exercise them are not consider- 
ed in Africa as following any particular profession, for 
almost every slave can weave, and every boy can sew. 
The only artists which are distinctly acknowledged 
as such by the negroes, and who value themselves on 
exercising appropriate and peculiar trades, are the 
manufacturers of leather and of iron. The first of these 
are called karrankea (or, as the word is sometimes pro- 
nounced, gaungay). They are to be found in almost 
every town, and they frequently travel through the 
country in the exercise of their calling. They tan and 
dress leather with very great expedition, by steeping 
the hide first in a mixture of wood-ashes and water 
until it parts with the hair, and afterwards by using 
the pounded leaves of a tree called goo as an astringent. 
They are at great pains to render the hide as soft and 
pliant as possible, by rubbing it frequently between 
their hands, and beating it upon a stone. The hides of 
bullocks are converted chiefly into sandals, and there- 
fore require less care in dressing than the skins of 
sheep and goats, which are used for covering quivers 
and saphies, and in making sheathes for swords and 
knives, belts, pockets, and a variety of ornaments. 
These skins are commonly dyed of a red or yellow 
colour ; the red, by means of millet stalks reduced to 
powder, and the yellow, by the root of a plant, the 
name of which I have forgotten. 

The manufacturers in iron are not so numerous as 
the karrankeas, but they appear to have studied their 
business with equal diligence. The negroes on the coast 
being cheaply supplied with iron from the European 
traders, never attempt the manufacturing of this article 
themselves ; but in the inland parts, the natives smelt 
this useful metal in such quantities, as not only to sup- 
ply themselves from it with all necessary weapons and 
instruments, but even to make it an article of commerce 
with some of the neighbouring states. During my stay 
at Kamalia, there was a smelting furnace at a short 
distance from the hut where I lodged, and the owner 
and his workmen made no secret about the manner of 
conducting the operation, and readily allowed me to 
examine the furnace, and assist them in breaking the 
ironstone. The furnace was a circular tower of clay, 
about ten feet > high, and three feet in diameter, sur- 
rounded in two places with withes, to prevent the clay 
from cracking and falling to pieces by the violence of 
the heat. Round the lower part, on a level with the 
ground (but not so low as the bottom of the furnace, 
which was somewhat concave), were made seven open- 
ings, into every one of which were placed three tubes 
of clay, and the openings again plastered up in such a 
manner that no air could enter the furnace but through 
the tubes, by the opening and shutting of which they 
regulated the fire. These tubes were formed by plas- 
tering a mixture of clay and grass round a smooth roller 
of wood, which, as soon as the clay began to harden, was 
withdrawn, and the tube left to dry in the sun. The 
ironstone which I saw was very heavy, of a dull red 
colour, with greyish specks ; it was broken into pieces 
about the size of a hen's egg. A bundle of dry wood 
was first put into the furnace, and covered with a con- 



STATE AND SOURCES OF SLAVERY, 



61 



siderable quantity of charcoal, which was brought, 
ready burnt, from the woods. Over this was laid a 
stratum of ironstone, and then another of charcoal, 
and so on, until the furnace was quite full. The fire 
was applied through one of the tubes, and blown for 
some time with bellows made of goats' skins. The ope- 
ration went on very slowly at first, and it was some 
hours before the flame appeared above the furnace ; 
but after this, it burnt with great violence all the first 
night, and the people who attended put in at times 
more charcoal. On the day following the fire was not 
so fierce, and on the second night some of the tubes 
were withdrawn, and the air allowed to have freer 
access to the furnace ; but the heat was still very great, 
and a bluish flame rose some feet above the top of the 
furnace. On the third day from the commencement 
of the operation, all the tubes were taken out, the ends 
of many of them being vitrified with the heat ; but the 
metal was not removed until some days afterwards, 
when the whole was perfectly cool. Part of the fur- 
nace was then taken down, and the iron appeared in 
the form of a large irregular mass, with pieces of char- 
coal adhering to it. It was sonorous ; and when any 
portion was broken off, the fracture exhibited a granu- 
lated appearance, like broken steel. The owner in- 
formed me that many parts of this cake were useless, 
but still there was good iron enough to repay him for 
his trouble. This iron, or rather steel, is formed into 
various instruments by being repeatedly heated in a 
forge, the heat of which is urged by a pair of double 
bellows, of a very simple construction, being made of 
two goats' skins ; the tubes from which unite, before 
they enter the forge, and supply a constant and very 
regular blast. The hammer, forceps, and anvil, are all 
very simple, and the workmanship (particularly in the 
formation of knives and spears) is not destitute of merit. 
The iron, indeed, is hard and brittle, and requires 
much labour before it can be made to answer the pur- 
pose. 

Most of the African blacksmiths are acquainted also 
with the method of smelting gold, in which process they 
use an alkaline salt, obtained from a ley of burnt corn- 
stalks evaporated to dryness. They likewise draw the 
gold into wire, and form it into a variety of ornaments, 
some of which are executed with a great deal of taste 
and ingenuity. 

Such is the chief information I obtained, concerning 
the present state of arts and manufactures in those re- 
gions of Africa which I explored in my journey. I 
might add, though it is scarce worthy of observation, 
that in Bambarra and Kaarta the natives make very 
beautiful baskets, hats, and other articles, both for use 
and ornament, from rushes, which they stain of different 
colours ; and they contrive also to cover their calabashes 
with interwoven cane, dyed in the same manner. 

In all the laborious occupations above described, the 
master and his slaves work together, without any dis- 
tinction of superiority. Hired servants — by which I 
mean persons of free condition, voluntarily working for 
pay — are unknown in Africa ; and this observation na- 
turally leads me to consider the condition of the slaves, 
and the various means by which they are reduced to 
so miserable a state of servitude. This unfortunate 
class are found, I believe, in all parts of this extensive 
country, and constitute a considerable branch of com- 
merce with the states on the Mediterranean, as well 
as with the nations of Europe. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Observations concerning the State and Sources of Slavery in 
Africa. 



A state of subordination, and certain inequalities of 
rank and condition, are inevitable in every stage of civil 
society ; but when this subordination is carried to so 
great a length that the persons and services of ono 
part of the community arc enth'ely at the disposal of 
another part, it may then be denominated a state of 



slavery, and in this condition of life, a great body of 
the negro inhabitants of Africa have continued from 
the most early period of their history, with this aggra- 
vation, that their children are born to no other in- 
heritance. 

The slaves in Africa, I suppose, are nearly in the 
proportion of three to one to the freemen. They claim 
no reward for their services except food and clothing, 
and are treated with kindness or severity, according to 
the good or bad disposition of their masters. Custom, 
however, has established certain rules with regard to 
the treatment of slaves, which it is thought dishonour- 
able to violate. Thus, the domestic slaves, or such as 
are born in a man's own house, are treated with more 
lenity than those which are purchased with money. The 
authority of the master over the domestic slave, as I 
have elsewhere observed, extends only to reasonable 
correction; for the master cannot sell his domestic, 
without having first brought him to a public trial be- 
fore the chief men of the place.* But these restrictions 
on the power of the master extend not to the case of 
prisoners taken in war, nor to that of slaves purchased 
with money. All these unfortunate beings are con- 
sidered as strangers and foreigners, who have no right 
to the protection of the law, and may be treated with 
severity, or sold to a stranger 1 , according to the pleasure 
of their owners. There are, indeed, regular markets, 
where slaves of this description are bought and sold, 
and the value of a slave, in the eye of an African pur- 
chaser, increases in proportion to his distance from his 
native kingdom ; for when slaves are only a few days' 
journey from the place of their nativity, they frequently 
effect their escape, but when one or more kingdoms 
intervene, escape being more difficult, they are more 
readily reconciled to their situation. On this account, 
the unhappy slave is frequently transferred from one 
dealer to another, until he has lost all hopes of return- 
ing to his native kingdom. The slaves which are pur- 
chased by the Europeans on the coast are chiefly of 
this description. A few of them are collected in the 
petty wars, hereafter to be described, which take place 
near the coast, but by far the greater number are 
brought down in large caravans from the inland coun- 
tries, of which many are unknown, even by name, to 
the Europeans. The slaves which are thus brought 
from the interior may be divided into two distinct 
classes — first, such as were slaves from their birth, 
having been born of enslaved mothers — secondly, such 
as were born free, but who afterwards, by whatever 
means, became slaves. Those of the first description 
are by far the most numerous, for prisoners taken in 
war (at least such as are taken in open and declared war, 
when one kingdom avows hostilities against another) 
are generally of this description. The comparatively 
small proportion of free people to the enslaved through- 
out Africa, has already been noticed ; and it must bo 
observed, that men of free condition have many ad- 
vantages over the slaves, even in war time. They are 
in general better armed, and well mounted, and can 
either fight or escape with some hopes of success ; but 
the slaves, who haA r e only their spears and bows, and 
of whom great numbers are loaded with baggage, be- 
come an easy prey. Thus, when Mansong, king of 
Bambarra, made war upon Kaarta (as I have related 
in a former chapter), he took in one day nine hundred 
prisoners, of which number not more than seventy were 
freemen. This account I received from Daman Junnna, 
who had thirty slaves at Kemmoo, all of whom were 
made prisoners by Mansong. Again, when a freeman 
is taken prisoner, his friends will sometimes ransom 
him, by giving two slaves in exchange ; but when a 
slave is taken, he has no hopes of such redemption. 

* In time of famine, the master is permitted to sell one or more 
of his- domestics, to purchase provisions for his family ; and in 
case of the master's insolvency, the domestic slaves are some- 
times seized upon by the creditors, ami if the master cannot re- 
deem them, they arc liable to be sold for payment of his debts. 
These are the only eases th:\t I recollect in which the domestic 
slaves are liable to be sold, without any misconduct or demerit 
of their own. 



62 



STATE AND SOURCES OF SLAVERY. 



To these disadvantages, it is to be added, that the sla- 
tees, who purchase slaves in the interior countries, and 
carry them down to the coast for sale, constantly prefer 
such as have been in that condition of life from their 
infancy, well knowing that these have been accustomed 
to hunger and fatigue, and are better able to sustain 
the hardships of a long and painful journey, than free- 
men ; and on their reaching the coast, if no opportunity 
offers of selling them to advantage, they can easily be 
made to maintain themselves by their labour ; neither 
are they so apt to attempt making their escape, as 
those who have once tasted the blessings of freedom. 

Slaves of the second description generally become 
such by one or other of the following causes : — 1. Cap- 
tivity ; 2. Famine ; 3. Insolvency ; 4. Crimes. A free- 
man may, by the established customs of Africa, become 
a slave, by being taken in war. War is of all others the 
most productive source, and was probably the origin, 
of slavery, for when one nation had taken from another 
a greater number of captives than could be exchanged 
on equal terms, it is natural to suppose that the con- 
querors, finding it inconvenient to maintain their pri- 
soners, would compel them to labour — at first, perhaps, 
only for their own support, but afterwards to support 
their masters. Be this as it may, it is a known fact, 
that prisoners of war in Africa are the slaves of the 
conquerors ; and when the weak or unsuccessful warrior 
begs for mercy beneath the uplifted spear of his oppo- 
nent, he gives up at the same time his claim to liberty, 
and purchases his life at the expense of his freedom. 

In a country divided into a thousand petty states, 
mostly independent and jealous of each other, where 
every freeman is accustomed to arms, and fond of mili- 
tary achievements, where the youth who has practised 
the bow and spear from his infancy, longs for nothing 
so much as an opportunity to display his valour, it is 
natural to imagine that wars frequently originate from 
very frivolous provocation. When one nation is more 
powerful than another, a pretext is seldom wanting for 
commencing hostilities. Thus, the war between Kajaaga 
and Kasson was occasioned by the detention of a fugi- 
tive slave — that between Bambarra and Kaarta by the 
loss of a few cattle. Other cases of the same nature 
perpetually occur, in which the folly or mad ambition 
of their princes, and the zeal of their religious enthu- 
siasts, give full employment to the scythe of desolation. 

The wars of Africa are of two kinds, which are dis- 
tinguished by different appellations ; that species which 
bears the greatest resemblance to our European con- 
tests is denominated killi, a word signifying "to call 
out," because such wars are openly avowed and previ- 
ously declared. Wars of this description in Africa 
commonly terminate, however, in the course of a single 
campaign. A battle is fought — the vanquished seldom 
think of rallying again — the whole inhabitants become 
panic-struck — and the conquerors have only to bind the 
slaves, and carry off their plunder and their victims. 
Such of the prisoners as, through age or infirmity, are 
unable to endure fatigue, or are found unfit for sale, 
are considered as useless, and, I have no doubt, are fre- 
quently put to death. The same fate commonly awaits a 
chief, or any other person who has taken a very distin- 
guished part in the war. And here it may be observed 
that, notwithstanding this exterminating system, it is 
surprising to behold how soon an African town is re- 
built and repeopled. The circumstance arises probably 
from this: that their pitched battles are few — the 
weakest know their own situation, and seek safety in 
flight. When their country has been desolated, and 
their ruined towns and villages deserted by the enemy, 
such of the inhabitants as have escaped the sivord and 
the chain generally return, though with cautious steps, 
to the place of their nativity — for it seems to be the 
universal wish of mankind to spend the evening of their 
days where they passed their infancy. The poor negro 
feels this desire in its fall force. To him no water is 
sweet but what is drawn from his own well, and no tree 
has so cool and pleasant a shade as the tabba tree* of 
* This is a large spreading tree (a species of sterculia) under 
which the beating is commonly placed. 



his native village. When war compels him to abandon 
the delightful spot in which he first drew his breath, 
and seek for safety in some other kingdom, his time is 
spent in talking about the country of his ancestors ; and 
no sooner is peace restored than he turns his back upon 
the land of strangers, rebuilds with haste his fallen 
walls, and exults to see the smoke ascend from his na- 
tive village. 

The other species of African warfare is distinguished 
by the appellation of iegria (plundering or stealing). 
It arises from a sort of hereditary feud, which the in- 
habitants of one nation or district bear towards another. 
No immediate cause of hostility is assigned, or notice 
of attack given, but the inhabitants of each watch every 
opportunity to plunder and distress the objects of their 
animosity by predatory excursions. These are very 
common, particularly about the beginning of the dry 
season, when the labour of the harvest is over and pro- 
visions are plentiful. Schemes of vengeance are then 
meditated. The chief man surveys the number and 
activity of his vassals, as they brandish their spears at 
festivals, and, elated with his own importance, turns 
his whole thoughts towards revenging some depreda- 
tion or insult, which either he or his ancestors may have 
received from a neighbouring state. 

Wars of this description are generally conducted with 
great secrecy. A few resolute individuals, headed by 
some person of enterprise and courage, march quietly 
through the woods, surprise in the night some unpro- 
tected village, and carry off the inhabitants and their 
effects, before their neighbours can come to their as- 
sistance. One morning during my stay at Kamalia, 
we were all much alarmed by a party of this kind. 
The king of Fooladoo's son, with five hundred horse- 
men, passed secretly through the woods, a little to the 
southward of Kamalia, and on the morning following 
plundered three towns belonging to Madigai, a power- 
ful chief in Jallonkadoo. 

The success of this expedition encouraged the gover- 
nor of Bangassi, a town in Fooladoo, to make a second 
inroad upon another part of the same country. Having 
assembled about two hundred of his people, he passed 
the river Kokoro in the night, and carried off a great 
number of prisoners. Several of the inhabitants who 
had escaped these attacks were afterwards seized by 
the Mandingoes, as they wandered about in the woods, 
or concealed themselves in the glens and strong places 
of the mountains. 

These plundering excursions always produce speedy 
retaliation ; and when large parties cannot be collected 
for this purpose, a few friends will combine together, 
and advance into the enemy's country, with a view to 
plunder or carry off the inhabitants. A single indivi- 
dual has been known to take his bow and quiver, and 
proceed in like manner. Such an attempt is doubtless 
in him an act of rashness ; but when it is considered 
that in one of these predatory wars he has probably 
been deprived of his child or his nearest relation, his 
situation will rather call for pity than censure. The 
poor sufferer, urged on by the feelings of domestic or 
paternal attachment, and the ardour of revenge, con- 
ceals himself among the bushes, until some young or 
unarmed person passes by. He then, tiger-like, springs 
upon his prey, drags his victim into the thicket, and in 
the night carries him off as a slave. 

When a negro has, by means like these, once fallen 
into the hands of his enemies, he is either retained as 
the slave of his conqueror, or bartered into a distant 
kingdom ; for an African, when he lias once subdued 
his enemy, will seldom give him an opportunity of lift- 
ing up his hand against him at a future period. A con- 
queror commonly disposes of his captives according to 
the rank which they held in their native kingdom. Such 
of the domestic slaves as appear to be of a mild dispo- 
sition, and particularly the young women, are retained 
as his own slaves. Others that display marks of discon- 
tent, are disposed of in a distant country ; and such of 
the freemen or slaves as have taken an active part in 
the war, are either sold to the slatees, or put to death. 
War, therefore, is certainly the most general and most 



MODE OF COLLECTING , GOLD DUST, 



63 



productive source of slavery, and the desolations of 
war often (but not always) produce the second cause 
of slavery, famine ; in which case a freeman becomes 
a slave to avoid a greater calamity. 

Perhaps, by a philosophic and reflecting mind, death 
itself would scarcely be considered as a greater calamity 
than slavery, but the poor negro, when fainting with 
hunger, thinks like Esau of old : " Behold I am at the 
point to die, and what profit shall this birthright do to 
me ?" There are many instances of free men volun- 
tarily surrendering up their liberty to save their lives. 
During a great scarcity which lasted for three years, 
in the countries of the Gambia, great numbers of people 
•became slaves in this manner. Dr Laidley assured me 
that at that time many free men came and begged, 
with great earnestness, to be put upon his slave-chain, 
to save them from perishing of hunger. Large families 
are very often exposed to absolute want ; and as the 
parents have almost unlimited authority over their 
children, it frequently happens, in all parts of Africa, 
that some of the latter are sold to purchase provisions 
for the rest of the family. When I was at Jarra, Da- 
man Jumma pointed out to me three young slaves 
whom he had purchased in this manner. I have already 
related another instance which I saw at Wonda ; and I 
was informed that in Fooladoo, at that time, it was a 
very common practice. 

The third cause of slavery is insolvency. Of all the 
offences (if insolvency may be so called) to which the 
laws of Africa have affixed the punishment of slavery, 
this is the most common. A negro trader commonly 
contracts debts on some mercantile speculation, either 
from his neighbours, to purchase such articles as will 
sell to advantage in a distant market, or from the Eu- 
ropean traders on the coast — payment to be made in a 
given time. In both cases, the situation of the adven- 
turer is exactly the same. If he succeeds, he may se- 
cure an independency: if he is unsuccessful, his person 
and services are at the disposal of another ; for in Africa, 
not only the effects of the insolvent, but even the in- 
solvent himself, is sold to satisfy the lawful demands 
of his creditors.* 

The fourth cause above enumerated is, the commission 
of crimes on which the laws of the country affix slavery 
as a punishment. In Africa, the only offences of this 
class are murder, adultery, and witchcraft, and I am 
happy to say that they did not appear to me to be com- 
mon. In cases of murder, I was informed that the 
nearest relation of the deceased had it in his power, 
after conviction, either to kill the offender with his own 
hand, or sell him into slavery. When adultery occurs, 
it is generally left to the option of the person injured 
either to sell the culprit, or accept such a ransom for 
him as he may think equivalent to the injury he has 
sustained. By witchcraft is meant pretended magic, 
by which the lives or healths of persons are affected ; 
in other words, it is the administering of poison. No 
trial for this offence, however, came under my obser- 
vation while I was in Africa, and I therefore suppose 
that the crime, and its punishment, occur but very 
seldom. 

When a free man has become a slave by any one 
of the causes before mentioned, he generally continues 
so for life, and his children (if they are born of an en- 
slaved mother) are brought up in the same state of 

* When a negro takes up goods on credit from any of the Euro- 
peans on the coast, and does not make payment at the time ap- 
pointed, the European is authorised, by the laws of the country, 
to seize upon the debtor himself, if he can find him, or, if ho 
cannot be found, on any person of his family ; or, in the last re. 
Bort, on any native of the same kingdom. The person thus seized 
on is detained, while his friends are sent in quest of the debtor. 
When he is found, a meeting is called of the chief people of tho 
place, and the debtor is compelled to ransom his friend by fulfill- 
ing his engagements. If he is unable to do this, his person is im- 
mediately secured and sent down to the coast, and the other re- 
leased. If the debtor cannot be found, the person seized on is 
obliged to pay double tho amount of the debt, or is himself sold 
into slavery. I was given to understand, however, that this part 
of the law is seldom enforced. 



servitude. There are, however, a few instances of 
slaves obtaining their freedom, and sometimes even 
with the consent of their masters, as by performing 
some singular piece of service, or by going to battle 
and bringing home two slaves as a ransom ; but the 
common way of regaining freedom is by escape, and 
when slaves have once set their minds on running 
away, they often succeed. Some of them will wait for 
years before an opportunity pi'esents itself, and during 
that period show no signs of discontent. In general, it 
may be remarked, that slaves who come from a hilly 
country, and have been much accustomed to hunting 
and travel, are more apt to attempt their escape than 
such as are born in a flat country, and have been em- 
ployed in cultivating the land. 

Such are the general outlines of that system of 
slavery which prevails in Africa, and it is evident, from 
its nature and extent, that it is a system of no modern 
date. It probably had its origin in the remote ages of 
antiquity, before the Mahomedans explored a path 
across the desert. How far it is maintained and sup- 
ported by the slave traffic, which, for two hundred 
years, the nations of Europe have carried on with the 
natives of the coast, it is neither within my province 
nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments should 
be required concerning the effect which a discontinu- 
ance of that commerce would produce on the manners 
of the natives, I should have no hesitation in observing, 
that, in the present unenlightened state of their minds, 
my opinion is, the effect would neither be so extensive 
or beneficial as many wise and worthy persons fondly 
expect. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Of Gold Dust, and the Manner in which it is Collected — Process 
of Washing it. — Its value in Africa. — Of Ivory — Surprise of the 
Negroes at the Eagerness of the Europeans for this Commodity. 
■ — Scattered Teeth frequently picked up in the Woods. — Mode 
of Hunting the Elephant. — Some Reflections on the unimproved 
State of the Country, &c. 

Those valuable commodities, gold and ivory (the next 
objects of our inquiry), have probably been found in 
Africa from the first ages of the world. They are 
reckoned among its most important productions in the 
earliest records of its history. 

It has been observed, that gold is seldom or never dis- 
covered, except in mountainous and barren countries — > 
nature, it is said, thus making amends in one way for 
her penuriousness in the other. This, however, is not 
wholly true. Gold is found in considerable quantities 
throughout every part of Manding, a country which is 
indeed hilly, but cannot properly be called mountain- 
ous, much less barren. It is also found in great plenty 
in Jallonkadoo (particularly about Boori), another hilly, 
but by no means an infertile, country. It is remarkable 
that in the place last mentioned (Boori), which is situ- 
ated about four days' journey to the south-west of 
Kamalia, the salt-market is often supplied at the same 
time with rock-salt from the Great Desert and sea-salt 
from the Rio Grande ; the price of each, at this distance 
from its source, being nearly the same, and the dealers 
in each, whether Moors from the north or negroes from 
the west, are invited thither by the same motives — that 
of bartering their salt for gold. 

The gold of Manding, so far as I could learn, is 
never found in any matrix or vein, but always in small 
grains nearly in a pure state, from the size of a pin's 
head to that of a pea, scattered through a large body 
of sand or clay, and in this state it is called by the 
Mandingoes sanoo munko (gold powder). It is, how- 
ever, extremely probable, by what I could learn of the 
situation of the ground, that most of it has originally 
been washed down by repeated torrents from the 
neighbouring hills. The manner in which it is collected 
is nearly as follows : — 

About the beginning of December, when the harvest 
is over, and the streams and torrents liavo greatly sub- 
sided, the mansa or chief of the town appoints a day to 



64 



MODE OF COLLECTING GOLD DUST. 



begin sanoo koo (gold washing), and the women are sure 
to have themselves in readiness by the time appointed. 
A hoe or spade for digging up the sand, two or three 
calabashes for washing it in, and a few quills for con- 
taining the gold dust, are all the implements necessary 
for the purpose. On the morning of their departure, a 
bullock is killed for the first day's entertainment, and 
a number of prayers and charms are used to ensure 
success, for a failure on that day is thought a bad omen. 
The mansa of Kamalia, with fourteen of his people, 
were I remember so much disappointed in their first 
day's washing, that very few of them had resolution to 
persevere, and the few that did had but very indifferent 
success ; which indeed is not much to be wondered at, 
for instead of opening some untried place, they con- 
tinued to dig and wash in the same spot where they 
had dug and washed for years, and where, of course, 
but few large grains could be left. 

The washing the sands of the streams is by far the 
easiest way of obtaining the gold dust ; but in most 
places the sands have been so narrowly searched be- 
fore, that unless the stream takes some new course, the 
gold is found but in small quantities. While some of 
the party are busied in washing the sands, others em- 
ploy themselves farther up the torrent, where the rapi- 
dity of the stream has carried away all the clay, sand, 
&c, and left nothing but small pebbles. The search 
among these is a very troublesome task. I have seen 
women who have had the skin worn off the tops of their 
fingers in this employment. Sometimes, however, they 
are rewarded by finding pieces of gold, which they call 
sanoo blrro (gold stones), that amply repay them for 
their trouble. A woman and her daughter, inhabitants 
of Kamalia, found in one day two pieces of this kind ; 
one of five drachms, and the other of three drachms 
weight. But the most certain and profitable mode of 
washing is practised in the height of the dry season, by 
digging a deep pit, like a draw-well, near some hill which 
has previously been discovered to contain gold. The 
pit is dug with small spades or corn hoes, and the earth 
is drawn up in large calabashes. As the negroes dig 
through the different strata of clay or sand, a calabash 
or two of each is washed by way of experiment ; and 
in this manner the labourers proceed, until they come 
to a stratum containing gold, or until they are ob- 
structed by rocks, or inundated by water. In general, 
when they come to a stratum of fine reddish sand, with 
small black specks therein, they find gold in some pro- 
portion or other, and send up large calabashes full of 
the sand, for the women to wash ; for though the pit 
is dug by the men, the gold is always washed by the 
women, who are accustomed from their infancy to a 
similar operation in separating the husks of corn from 
the meal. 

As I never descended into any one of these pits, I 
cannot say in what manner they are worked under 
ground. Indeed, the situation in which I was placed 
made it necessary for me to be cautious not to incur 
the suspicion of the natives, by examining too far into 
the riches of their country ; but the manner of sepa- 
rating the gold from the sand is very simple, and is 
frequently performed by the women in the middle of 
the town ; for when the searchers return from the 
valleys in the evening, they commonly bring with them 
each a calabash or two of sand, to be washed by such 
of the females as remain at home. The operation is 
simply as follows : — 

A portion of sand or clay (for the gold is sometimes 
found in a brown-coloured clay) is put into a large 
calabash, and mixed with a sufficient quantity of water. 
The woman whose office it is, then shakes the calabash 
in such a manner as to mix the sand and water to- 
gether, and give the whole a rotatory motion— at first 
gently, but afterwards more quick, until a small por- 
tion of sand and water, at every revolution, flies over 
the brim of the calabash. The sand thus separated is 
only the coarsest particles mixed with a little muddy I 
water. After the operation has been continued for! 
some time, the sand is allowed to subside, and the J 
water poured off; a portion of coarse sand, which is I 



now uppermost in the calabash, is removed by the hand, 
and fresh water being added, the operation is repeated 
until the water comes off almost pure. The woman now 
takes a second calabash, and shakes the sand and water 
gently from the one to the other, reserving that portion 
of sand which is next the bottom of the calabash, and 
which is most likely to contain the gold. This small 
quantity is mixed with some pure water, and being 
moved about in the calabash, is carefully examined. 
If a few particles of gold are picked out, the contents 
of the other calabash are examined in the same man- 
ner ; but in general the party is well contented, if she 
can obtain three or four grains from the contents of 
both calabashes. Some women, however, by long prac- 
tice, become so well acquainted with the nature of the 
sand, and the mode of washing it, that they will collect 
gold where others cannot find a single particle. The 
gold dust is kept in quills stopped up with cotton ; and 
the washers are fond of displaying a number of these 
quills in their hair. Generally speaking, if a person 
uses common diligence, in a proper soil, it is supposed 
that as much gold may be collected by him in the course 
of the dry season as is equal to the value of two slaves. 

Thus simple is the process by which the negroes ob- 
tain gold in IManding ; and it is evident, from this ac- 
count, that the country contains a considerable portion 
of this precious metal, for many of the smaller particles 
must necessarily escape the observation of the naked 
eye ; and as the natives generally search the sands of 
streams at a considerable distance from the hills, and 
consequently far removed from the mines where the 
gold was originally produced, the labourers are some- 
times but ill paid for their trouble. Minute particles 
only of this heavy metal can be carried by the current 
to any considerable distance ; the larger must remain 
deposited near the original source from whence they 
came. Were the gold-bearing streams to be traced to 
their fountains, and the hills from whence they spring 
properly examined, the sand in which the gold is there 
deposited would no doubt be found to contain particles 
of a much larger size ;* and even the small grains might 
be collected* to considerable advantage by the use of 
quicksilver, and other improvements, with which the 
natives are at present unacquainted. 

Part of this gold is converted into ornaments for the 
women, but in general these ornaments are more to be 
admired for their weight than their workmanship. 
They are massy and inconvenient, particularly the ear- 
rings, which are commonly so heavy as to pull down 
and lacerate the lobe of the ear ; to avoid which, they 
are supported by a thong of red leather, which passes 
over the crown of the head from one ear to the other. 
The necklace displays greater fancy, and the proper ar- 
rangement of the different beads and plates of gold is 
the great criterion of taste and elegance. When a lady 
of consequence is in full dress, her gold ornaments 
may be worth altogether from fifty to eighty pounds 
sterling. 

A small quantity of gold is likewise employed by the 
slatees, in defraying the expenses of their journeys to 
and from the coast, but by far the greater proportion 
is annually carried away by the Moors in exchange for 
salt and other merchandise. During my stay at Ka- 
malia, the gold collected by the different traders at that 
place, for salt alone, was nearly equal to one hundred 
and ninety-eight pounds sterling ; and as Kamalia is but 
a small town, and not much resorted to by the trading 
Moors, this quantity must have borne a very small pro- 
portion to the gold collected at Kancaba, Kankaree, 
and some other large towns. The value of salt in this 
part of Africa is very great. One slab, about two feet 
and a half in length, fourteen inches in breadth, and 
two inches in thickness, will sometimes sell for about 

* I am informed that the gold mine, as it is called, in Wicklow, 
in Ireland, which was discovered in the year 1795, is near the 
top, and upon the steep slope, of a mountain. Here pieces of 
gold of several ounces' weight were frequently found. What would 
haveheen gold dust two miles helow, was here golden gravel ; that 
is, each grain was like a small pebblo in size, and ono piece was 
found which weighed near twentj--two ounces troy. 



TRADE IN IVORY. 



65 



two pounds ten shillings sterling, and from one pound 
fifteen shillings to two pounds may be considered as 
the common price. Four of these slabs are considered 
as a load for an ass, and six for a bullock. The value 
of European merchandise in Manding varies very much, 
according to the supply from the coast, or the dread of 
war in the country, but the return for such articles is 
commonly made in slaves. The price of a prime slave, 
when I was at Kamalia, was from nine to twelve min- 
kallies, and European commodities had then nearly the 
following value : — 

18 gun flints, "] 

48 leaves of tobacco, I one minkam> 

20 charges of gunpowder, J 

A cutlass, J 

A musket, from three to four minkallies. 

The produce of the country, and the different neces- 
saries of life, when exchanged for gold, sold as follows: — 

Common provisions for one day, the weight of one 
teeleekissi (a black bean, six of which make the weight 
of one minkalli) — a chicken, one teelee-kissi — a sheep, 
three teelee-kissi — a bullock, one minkalli — a horse, 
from ten to seventeen minkallies. 

The negroes weigh the gold in small balances, which 
they always carry about them. They make no diffe- 
rence, in point of value, between gold dust and wrought 
gold. In bartering one article for another, the person 
who receives the gold always weighs it with his own 
teelee-kissi. These beans are sometimes fraudulently 
soaked in shea-butter to make them heavy, and I once 
saw a pebble ground exactly into the form of one of 
them ; but such practices are not very common. 

Having now related the substance of what occurs to 
my recollection concerning the African mode of obtain- 
ing gold from the earth, and its value in barter, I pro- 
ceed to the next article of which I proposed to treat, 
namely, ivory. 

Nothing creates a greater surprise among the negroes 
on the sea- coast, than the eagerness displayed by the 
European traders to procure elephants' teeth — it being 
exceedingly difficult to make them comprehend to what 
use it is applied. Although they are shown knives with 
ivory hafts, combs, and toys of the same material, and 
are convinced that the ivory thus manufactured was 
originally parts of a tooth, they are not satisfied. They 
suspect that this commodity is more frequently con- 
verted in Europe to purposes of far greater importance, 
the true nature of which is studiously concealed from 
them, lest the price of ivory should be enhanced. They 
cannot, they say, easily persuade themselves, that ships 
would be built, and voyages undertaken, to procure an 
article which had no other value than that of furnish- 
ing handles to knives, &c, when pieces of wood would 
answer the purpose equally well. 

Elephants are very numerous in the interior of 
Africa, but they appear to be a distinct species from 
those found in Asia. Blumenbach, in his figures of 
objects of natural history, has given good drawings 
of a grinder of each, and the variation is evident. M. 
Cuvier also has given, in the Magazin Encyclopedique, 
a clear account of the difference between them. As I 
never examined the Asiatic elephant, I have chosen 
rather to refer to those writers than advance this as 
an opinion of my own. It has been said that the Afri- 
can elephant is of a less docile nature than the Asiatic, 
and incapable of being tamed. The negroes certainly 
do not at present tame them ; but when we consider 
that the Carthaginians had always tame elephants in 
their armies, and actually transported some of them to 
Italy in the course of the Punic wars, it seems more 
likely that they should have possessed the art of taming 
their own elephants, than have submitted to the expense 
of bringing such vast animals from Asia. Perhaps 
the barbarous practice of hunting the African elephants 
for the sake of their teeth, has rendered them more un- 
tractable and savage than they were found to be in 
former times. 

The greater part of the ivory which is sold on the 
Cambia and Senegal rivers, is brought from the interior 
country. The lands towards the coast are too swampy, 
G 



and too much intersected with creeks and rivers, for 
so bulky an animal as the elephant to travel through 
without being discovered ; and when once the natives 
discern the marks of his feet in the earth, the whole 
village is up in arms. The thoughts of feasting on his 
flesh, making sandals of his hide, and selling the teeth to 
the Europeans, inspire every one with courage, and the 
animal seldom escapes from his pursuers ; but in the 
plains of Bambarra and Kaarta, and the extensive wilds 
of Jallonkadoo, the elephants are very numerous, and, 
from the great scarcity of gunpowder in those districts, 
they are less annoyed by the natives. 

Scattered teeth are frequently picked up in the 
woods, and travellers are very diligent in looking for 
them. It is a common practice with the elephant to 
thrust his teeth under the roots of such shrubs and 
bushes as grow in the more dry and elevated parts of 
the country, where the soil is shallow. These bushes 
he easily overturns, and feeds on the roots, which are 
in general more tender and juicy than the hard woody 
branches or the foliage ; but when the teeth are partly 
decayed by age, and the roots more firmly fixed, the 
great exertions of the animal in this practice frequently 
cause them to break short. At Kamalia I saw two 
teeth, one a very large one, which were found in the 
woods, and which were evidently broken off in this 
manner. Indeed, it is difficult otherwise to account 
for such a large proportion of broken ivory as is daily 
offered for sale at the different factories, for when the 
elephant is killed in hunting, unless he dashes himself 
over a precipice, the teeth are always extracted entire. 

There are certain seasons of the year when the ele- 
phants collect into large herds, and traverse the coun- 
try in quest of food or water ; and as all that part of 
the country to the north of the Niger is destitute of 
rivers, whenever the pools in the woods are dried up, 
the elephants approach towards the banks of that river. 
Here they continue until the commencement of the 
rainy season, in the months of June or July, and dur- 
ing this time they are much hunted by such of the 
Bambarrans as have gunpowder to spare. The ele- 
phant-hunters seldom go out singly — a party of four or 
five join together, and having each furnished himself 
with powder and ball, and a quantity of corn-meal in 
a leather bag sufficient for five or six days' provision, 
they enter the most unfrequented parts of the wood, 
and examine with great care every thing that can lead 
to the discovery of the elephants. In this pursuit, 
notwithstanding the bulk of the animal, very great 
nicety of observation is required. The broken branches, 
the scattered dung of the animal, and the marks of his 
feet, are carefully inspected ; and many of the hunters 
have, by long experience and attentive observation, 
become so expert in their search, that as soon as they 
observe the footmarks of an elephant, they will tell 
almost to a certainty at what time it passed, and at 
what distance it will be found. 

When they discover a herd of elephants, they follow 
them at a distance, until they perceive some one stray 
from the rest, and come into such a situation as to be 
fired at with advantage. The hunters then approach 
with great caution, creeping amongst the long grass, 
until they have got near enough to be sure of their 
aim. They then discharge all their pieces at once, and 
throw themselves on their faces among the grass. The 
wounded elephant immediately applies his trunk to the 
different wounds, but being unable to extract the balls, 
and seeing nobody near him, he becomes quite furious, 
and runs about amongst the bushes, until by fatigue and 
loss of blood he has exhausted himself, and affords the 
hunters an opportunity of firing a second tune at him, 
by which he is generally brought to the ground. 

The skin is now taken off, and extended on the ground 
with pegs to dry ; and such parts of the flesh as aro 
most esteemed are cut up into thin slices, and dried in 
the sun, to serve for provisions on some future occasion. 
The teeth are struck out with a light hatchet, which the 
hunters always carry along with them, not only for that 
purpose, but also to enable them to cut down such trees 
as contain honey ; for though they carry with them 



66 



SCRIPTURAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE NEGROES. 



only five or six days 5 provisions, they will remain in the 
woods for months, if they are successful, and support 
themselves upon the flesh of such elephants as they kill, 
and wild honey. 

The ivory thus collected is seldom Drought down to 
the coast by the hunters themselves. They dispose of 
it to the itinerant merchants, who come annually from 
the coast with arms and ammunition to purchase this 
valuable commodity. Some of these merchants will 
collect ivory in the course of one season sufficient to 
load four or five asses. A great quantity of ivory is 
likewise brought from the interior by the slave coflles ; 
there are, however, some slatees of the Mahomedan 
persuasion, who, from motives of religion, will not deal 
in ivory, nor eat of the flesh of the elephant, unless it 
has been killed with a spear. 

The quantity of ivory collected in this part of Africa 
is not so great, nor are the teeth in general so large, as 
in the countries nearer the line : few of them weigh more 
than eighty or one hundred pounds, and, upon an ave- 
rage, a bar of European merchandise may be reckoned 
as the price of a pound of ivory. 

I have now, I trust, in this and the preceding chap- 
ters, explained with sufficient minuteness the nature 
and extent of the commercial connection which at pre- 
sent prevails, and has long subsisted, between the negro 
natives of those parts of Africa which I visited, and the 
nations of Europe ; and it appears, that slaves, gold, and 
ivory, together with the few articles enumerated in the 
beginning of my work, viz. bees' wax and honey, hides, 
gums, and dye-woods, constitute the whole catalogue of 
exportable commodities. Other productions, however, 
have been incidentally noticed as the growth of Africa, 
such as grain of different kinds, tobacco, indigo, cotton- 
wool, and perhaps a few others ; but of all these (which 
can only be obtained by cultivation and labour), the na- 
tives raise sufficient only for their own immediate ex- 
penditure, nor, under the present system of their laws, 
manners, trade, and government, can any thing farther 
be expected from them. It cannot, however, admit of 
a doubt, that all the rich and valuable productions, both 
of the East and West Indies, might easily be natural- 
ised, and brought to the utmost perfection, in the tro- 
pical parts of this immense continent. Nothing is want- 
ing to this end but example to enlighten the minds of 
the natives, and instruction to enable them to direct 
their industry to proper objects. It was not possible 
for me to behold the wonderful fertility of the soil, the 
vast herds of cattle, proper both for labour and food, 
and a variety of other circumstances favourable to co- 
lonisation and agriculture — and reflect, withal, on the 
means which presented themselves of a vast inland na- 
vigation — without lamenting that a country so abun- 
dantly gifted and favoured by nature, should remain in 
its present savage and neglected state. Much more did 
I lament, that a people of manners and dispositions so 
gentle and benevolent, should either be left as they 
now are, immersed in the gross and uncomfortable 
blindness of pagan superstition, or permitted to become 
converts to a system of bigotry and fanaticism, which, 
without enlightening the mind, often debases the heart. 
On this subject many observations might be made, but 
the reader will probably think that I have already di- 
gressed too largely ; and I now, therefore, return to 
my situation at Kamalia. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Transactions at Kamalia resumed. — Arabic MSS. in Use among 
the Mahomedan Negroes.— Reflections concerning the Conver- 
sion and Education of the Negro Children.— Return of the 
Author's benefactor, Kaifa. — Farther Account of the Purchase 
and Treatment of Slaves.— Fast of Rhamadan, how observed 
by the Negroes.— Author's Anxiety for the Day of Departure. 
—The Caravan sets out.— Account of it on its Departure, and 
Proceedings on the Road, until its arrival at Kinytakooro. 

The schoolmaster to whoso care I was intrusted during 
the absence of Karfa, was a man of a mild disposition 



and gentle manners ; his name was Fankooma, and 
although he himself adhered strictly to the religion of 
Mahomet, he was by no means intolerant in his prin- 
ciples towards others who differed from him. He spent 
much of his time in reading, and teaching appeared to 
be his pleasure as well as employment. His school 
consisted of seventeen boys, most of whom were sons 
of kafirs, and two girls, one of whom was Karfa's own 
daughter. The girls received their instructions in the 
daytime, but the boys always had their lessons by the 
light of a large fire before daybreak, and again late in 
the evening ; for being considered, during their scholar- 
ship, as the domestic slaves of the master, they were 
employed in planting corn, bringing firewood, and in 
other servile offices, through the day. 

Exclusive of the Koran, and a book or two of com- 
mentaries thereon, the schoolmaster possessed a variety 
of manuscripts which had partly been purchased from 
the trading Moors, and partly borrowed from bushreens 
in the neighbourhood, and copied with great care. 
Other MSS. had been produced to me at different 
places in the course of my journey ; and on recounting 
those I had before seen, and those which were now 
shown to me, and interrogating the schoolmaster on the 
subject, I discovered that the negroes are in possession 
(among others) of an Arabic version of the Pentateuch 
of Moses, which they call Taureta la Moosa. This is so 
highly esteemed that it is often sold for the value of 
one prime slave. They have likewise a version of the 
Psalms of David (Zabora Dawidi) ; and, lastly, the book 
of Isaiah, which they call Lingeeli la Isa, and it is in 
very high esteem. I suspect, indeed, that in all these 
copies there are interpolations of some of the peculiar 
tenets of Mahomet, for I could distinguish in many 
passages the name of the Prophet. It is possible, how- 
ever, that this circumstance might otherwise have been 
accounted for, if my knowledge of the Arabic had been 
more extensive. By means of those books, many of 
the converted negroes have acquired an acquaintance 
with some of the remarkable events recorded in the 
Old Testament. The account of our first parents, the 
death of Abel, the deluge, the lives of Abraham, Isaac, 
and Jacob, the story of Joseph and his brethren, the 
history of Moses, David, Solomon, &c, all these have 
been related to me, in the Mandingo language, with 
tolerable exactness by different people, and my sur- 
prise was not greater on hearing these accounts from 
the lips of the negroes, than theirs on finding that I was 
already acquainted with them ; for although the ne- 
groes in general have a very great idea of the wealth 
and power of the Europeans, I am afraid that the 
Mahomedan converts among them think but very 
lightly of our superior attainments in religious know- 
ledge. The white traders in the maritime districts take 
no pains to counteract this unhappy prejudice, always 
performing their own devotions in secret, and seldom 
condescending to converse with the negroes in a friendly 
and instructive manner. To me, therefore, it was not so 
much the subject of wonder as matter of regret, to 
observe, that while the superstition of Mahomet has 
in this manner scattered a few faint beams of learning 
among these poor people, the precious light of Chris- 
tianity is altogether excluded. I could not but lament, 
that although the coast of Africa has now been known 
and frequented by the Europeans for more than two 
hundred years, yet the negroes still remain entire 
strangers to the doctrines of our holy religion. We are 
anxious to draw from obscurity the opinions and re- 
cords of antiquity, the beauties of Arabian and Asiatic 
literature, &c. ; but while our libraries are thus stored 
with the learning of various countries, we distribute 
with a parsimonious hand the blessings of religious 
truth to the benighted nations of the earth. The natives 
of Asia derive but little advantage in this respect from 
an intercourse with us ; and even the poor Africans, 
whom we affect to consider as barbarians, look upon us, 
I fear, as little better than a race of formidable but 
ignorant heathens. When I produced Richardson's 
Arabic Grammar to some slatees on the Gambia, they 
were astonished to think that any European should 



NEGRO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 



67 



understand and write the sacred language of their re- 
ligion. At first, they suspected that it might have 
been written by some of the slaves carried from the 
coast, but, on a closer examination, they were satisfied 
that no bushreen could write such beautiful Arabic, 
and one of them offered to give me an ass, and sixteen 
bars of goods, if I would part with the book. Perhaps 
a short and easy introduction to Christianity, such as 
is found in some of the catechisms for children, ele- 
gantly printed in Arabic, and distributed on different 
parts of the coast, might have a wonderful effect. The 
expense would be but trifling ; curiosity would induce 
many to read it ; and the evident superiority which it 
would possess over their present manuscripts, both in 
point of elegance and cheapness, might at last obtain it 
a place among the school-books of Africa. 

The reflections which I have thus ventured to submit 
to my readers on this important subject, naturally sug- 
gested themselves to my mind on perceiving the en- 
couragement which was thus given to learning (such as 
it is) in many parts of Africa. I have observed that 
the pupils at Kamalia were most of them the children 
of pagans — their parents therefore could have had 
no predilection for the doctrines of Mahomet. Their 
aim was their children's improvement ; and if a more 
enlightened system had presented itself, it would pro- 
bably have been preferred. The children, too, wanted 
not a spirit of emulation, which it is the aim of the 
tutor to encourage. When any one of them has read 
through the Koran, and performed a certain number 
of public prayers, a feast is prepared by the school- 
master, and the scholar undergoes an examination, or 
(in European terms) takes out his degree. I attended 
at three different inaugurations of this sort, and heard 
with pleasure the distinct and intelligent answers which 
the scholars frequently gave to the bushreens, who as- 
sembled on those occasions and acted as examiners. 
When the bushreens had satisfied themselves respect- 
ing the learning and abilities of the scholar, the last 
page of the Koran was put into his hand, and he was 
desired to read it aloud : after the boy had finished 
this lesson, he pressed the paper against his forehead, 
and pronounced the word Amen, upon which all the 
bushreens rose, and shaking him cordially by the hand, 
bestowed upon him the title of bushreen. 

When a scholar has undergone this examination, his 
parents are informed that he has completed his educa- 
tion, and that it is incumbent on them to redeem their 
son, by giving to the schoolmaster a slave, or the price 
of a slave, in exchange, which is always done, if the 
parents can afford to do it ; if not, the boy remains the 
domestic slave of the schoolmaster until he can, by his 
own industry, collect goods sufficient to ransom himself. 

About a week after the departure of Karfa, three 
Moors arrived at Kamalia with a considerable quantity 
of salt, and other merchandise, which they had obtained 
on credit from a merchant of Fezzan, who had lately 
arrived at Kancaba. Their engagement was to pay him 
his price when the goods were sold, which they expected 
would be in the course of a month. Being rigid bush- 
reens, they were accommodated with two of Karfa's 
huts, and sold their goods to very great advantage. 

On the 24th of January, Karfa returned to Kamalia 
with a number of people, and thirteen prime slaves 
whom he had purchased. He likewise brought with him 
a young girl whom he had married at Kancaba, as his 
fourth wife, and had given her parents three prime 
slaves for her. She was kindly received at the door of 
the baloon by Karfa's other wives, who conducted their 
new acquaintance and copartner into one of the best 
huts, which they had caused to be swept and white- 
washed on purpose to receive her.* 

My clothes were by this time become so very ragged 
that I was almost ashamed to appear out of doors, but 
Karfa, on the day after his arrival, generously presented 
me with such a garment and trousers as are commonly 
worn in the country. 

The slaves which Karfa had brought with him were 

* The negroes whitewash their huts with a mixture of hone- 
ashes and water, to which is commonly added a little gum. 



all of them prisoners of war ; they had been taken by 
the Bambarra army in the kingdoms of Wassela and 
Kaarta, and carried to Sego, where some of them had 
remained three years in irons. From Sego they were 
sent, in company with a number of other captives, up 
the Niger in two large canoes, and offered for sale at 
Yamina, Bammakoo, and Kancaba; at which places 
the greater number of the captives were bartered for 
gold dust, and the remainder sent forward to Kankaree. 

Eleven of them confessed to me that they had been 
slaves from their infancy, but the other two refused 
to give any account of their former condition. They 
were all very inquisitive, but they viewed me at first 
with looks of horror, and repeatedly asked if my country- 
men were cannibals. They were very desirous to know 
what became of the slaves after they had crossed the 
salt water. I told them that they were employed in 
cultivating the land ; but they would not believe me, 
and one of them, putting his hand upon the ground, 
said with great simplicity, " Have you really got such 
ground as this to set your feet upon ?" A deeply-rooted 
idea that the whites purchase negroes for the purpose 
of devouring them, or of selling them to others, that 
they may be devoured hereafter, naturally makes the 
slaves contemplate a journey towards the coast with 
great terror, insomuch that the slatees are forced to 
keep them constantly in irons, and watch them very 
closely, to prevent their escape. They are commonly 
secured by putting the right leg of one and the left of 
another into the same pair of fetters. By supporting 
the fetters with a string, they can walk, though very 
slowly. Every four slaves are likewise fastened toge- 
ther by the necks with a strong rope of twisted thongs, 
and in the night an additional pair of fetters is put on 
their hands, and sometimes a light iron chain passed 
round their necks. 

Such of them as evince marks of discontent are se- 
cured in a different manner. A thick billet of wood 
is cut about three feet long, and a smooth notch being 
made upon one side of it, the ankle of the slave is bolted 
to the smooth part by means of a strong iron staple, 
one prong of which passes on each side of the ankle. All 
these fetters and bolts are made from native iron ; in 
the present case, they were put on by the blacksmith 
as soon as the slaves arrived from Kancaba, and were 
not taken off until the morning on which the coffle de- 
parted for Gambia. 

In other respects, the treatment of the slaves during 
their stay at Kamalia was far from being harsh or cruel. 
They were led out in their fetters every morning to 
the shade of the tamarind tree, where they were en- 
couraged to play at games of hazard, and sing divert- 
ing songs, to keep up their spirits ; for, though some of 
them sustained the hardships of their situation with 
amazing fortitude, the greater part were very much 
dejected, and would sit all day in a sort of sullen melan- 
choly, with their eyes fixed upon the ground. In the 
evening, their irons were examined, and their hand 
fetters put on, after which they were conducted into 
two large huts, where they were guarded during the 
night by Karfa's domestic slaves. But notwithstanding 
all this, about a week after their arrival, one of the 
slaves had the address to procure a small knife, with 
which he opened the rings of his fetters, cut the rope, 
and made his escape: more of them would probably 
have got off had they assisted each other, but the slave 
no sooner found himself at liberty, than he refused to 
stop and assist in breaking the chain which was fastened 
round the necks of his companions. 

As all the slatees and slaves belonging to the coffle 
were now assembled, either at Kamalia, or at some of 
the neighbouring villages, it might have been expected 
that we should have set out immediately for Gambia ; 
but though the day of our departure was frequently 
fixed, it was always found expedient to change it. Some 
of the people had not prepared their dry provisions ; 
others had gone to visit their relations, or collect some 
trifling debts ; and, last of all, it was necessary to con- 
sult whether the day would be a lucky one. On account 
of one of these, or other such causes, our departure was 



68 



DEPARTURE FROM KAMALIA. 






put off, day after day, until the month of February was ! 
far advanced, after which, all the slatees agreed to re- 
main in their present quarters until the fast moon was 
over. And here I may remark, that loss of time is an 
object of no great importance in the eyes of a negro. 
If he has any thing of consequence to perform, it is a 
matter of indifference to him whether he does it to-day 
or to-morrow, or a month or two hence ; so long as he 
can spend the present moment with any degree of com- 
fort, he gives himself very little concern about the 
future. 

The fast of Rhamadan was observed with great strict- 
ness by all the bushreens ; but instead of compelling 
me to follow their example, as the Moors did on a 
similar occasion, Karfa frankly told me that I was at 
liberty to pursue my own inclination. In order, how- 
ever, to manifest a respect for their religious opinions, 
I voluntarily fasted three days, which was thought suf- 
ficient to screen me from the reproachful epithet of kafir. 
During the fast, all the slatees belonging to the coffle 
assembled every morning in Karfa's house, where the 
schoolmaster read to them some religious lessons from 
a large folio volume, the author of which was an Arab, 
of the name of Sheiffa. In the evening such of the 
women as had embraced Mahomedanism assembled, 
and said their prayers publicly at the missura. They 
were all dressed in white, and went through the diffe- 
rent prostrations prescribed by their religion with be- 
coming solemnity. Indeed, during the whole fast of 
Rhamadan the negroes behaved themselves with the 
greatest meekness and humility, forming a striking con- 
trast to the savage intolerance and brutal bigotry which 
at this period characterise the Moors. 

When the fast month was almost at an end, the 
bushreens assembled at the missura to watch for the 
appearance of the new moon, but the evening being 
rather cloudy, they were for some time disappointed, 
and a number of them had gone home with a resolution 
to fast another day, when on a sudden this delightful 
object showed her sharp horns from behind a cloud, and 
was welcomed with the clapping of hands, beating of 
drums, firing of muskets, and other marks of rejoicing. 
As this moon is reckoned extremely lucky, Karfa gave 
orders that all the people belonging to the coffle should 
immediately pack up their dry provisions, and hold 
themselves in readiness ; and on the 16th of April the 
slatees held a consultation, and fixed on the 19th of the 
same month as the day on which the coffle should de- 
part from Kamalia. This resolution freed me from 
much uneasiness, for our departure had already been 
so long deferred, that I was apprehensive it might still 
be put off until the commencement of the rainy season; 
and although Karfa behaved towards me with the 
greatest kindness, I found my situation very unplea- 
sant. The slatees were unfriendly to me, and the trad- 
ing Moors who were at this time at Kamalia continued 
to plot mischief against me from the first day of their 
arrival. Under these circumstances, I reflected that 
my life in a great measure depended on the good opinion 
of an individual, who was daily hearing malicious stories 
concerning the Europeans, and I could hardly expect 
that he would always judge with impartiality between 
me and his countrymen. Time had, indeed, reconciled 
me in some degree to their mode of life, and a smoky 
hut, or a scanty supper, gave me no great uneasiness ; 
but I became at last wearied out with a constant state 
of alarm and anxiety, and felt a painful longing for the 
manifold blessings of civilised society. 

On the morning of the 17th, a circumstance occurred 
which wrought a considerable change in my favour. 
The three trading Moors, who had lodged under Karfa's 
protection ever since their arrival at Kamalia, and had 
gained the esteem of all the bushreens by an appear- 
ance of great sanctity, suddenly packed up their effects, 
and, without once thanking Karfa for his kindness to- 
wards them, marched over the hills to Bala. Every 
one was astonished at this unexpected removal, but the 
affair was cleared up in the evening by the arrival of 
the Fezzan merchant from Kancaba (mentioned in p. 
67), who assured Karfa, that these Moors had bor- 



rowed all their salt and goods from him, and had sent 
for him to come to Kamalia and receive payment. When 
he was told that they had fled to the westward, he 
wiped a tear from each eye with the sleeve of his cloak, 
and exclaimed, " These shirrukas (robbers) are Maho- 
medans, but they are not men — they have robbed me 
of two hundred minkallies." From this merchant I 
received information of the capture of our Mediter- 
ranean convoy by the French, in October 1795. 

April 19th. — The long wished-for day of our depar- 
ture was at length arrived; and the slatees having 
taken the irons from their slaves, assembled with them 
at the door of Karfa's house, where the bundles were 
all tied up, and every one had his load assigned him. 
The coffle, on its departure from Kamalia, consisted of 
twenty-seven slaves for sale, the property of Karfa and 
four other slatees ; but we were afterwards joined by five 
at Maraboo, and three at Bala — making in all thirty- 
five slaves. The freemen were fourteen in number, 
but most of them had one or two wives, and some do- 
mestic slaves ; and the schoolmaster, who was now upon 
his return for Woradoo, the place of his nativity, took 
with him eight of his scholars — so that the number of 
free people and domestic slaves amounted to thirty- 
eight, and the whole amount of the coffle was seventy- 
three. Among the free men were six jillikeas (singing 
men), whose musical talents were frequently exerted 
either to divert our fatigue or obtain us a welcome 
from strangers. When we departed from Kamalia, we 
were followed for about half a mile by most of the in- 
habitants of tho town, some of them crying, and others 
shaking hands with their relations who were now about 
to leave them ; and when we had gained a piece of rising 
ground, from which we had a view of Kamalia, all the 
people belonging to the coffle were ordered to sit down 
in one place, with their faces towards the west, and the 
townspeople were desired to sit down in another place 
with their faces towards Kamalia. In this situation, the 
schoolmaster, with two of the principal slatees, having 
taken their places between the two parties, pronounced 
a long and solemn prayer, after which they walked 
three times round the coffle, making an impression in 
the ground with the ends of their spears, and muttering 
something by way of charm. When this ceremony was 
ended, all the people belonging to the coffle sprang up, 
and, without taking a formal farewell of their friends, 
set forwards. As many of the slaves had remained for 
years in irons, the sudden exertion of walking quick 
with heavy loads upon their heads occasioned spasmo- 
dic contractions of their legs ; and we had not proceeded 
above a mile before it was found necessary to take two 
of them from the rope, and allow them to walk more 
slowly until we reached Maraboo, a walled village, 
where some people were waiting to join the coffle. 
Here we stopt about two hours, to allow the strangers 
time to pack up their provisions, and then continued 
our route to Bala, which town we reached about four 
in the afternoon. The inhabitants of Bala at this 
season of the year subsist chiefly on fish, which they 
take in great plenty from the streams in the neighbour- 
hood. We remained here until the afternoon of the 
next day, the 20th, when we proceeded to Worumbang, 
the frontier Village of Manding towards Jallonkadoo. 
As we proposed shortly to enter the Jallonka Wilder- 
ness, the people of this village furnished us with great 
plenty of provisions, and on the morning of the 21st 
Ave entered the woods to the westward of Worumbang. 
After having travelled some little way, a consultation was 
held whether we should continue our route through the 
wilderness, or save one day's provisions by going to Kiny- 
takooro, a town in Jallonkadoo. After debating the mat- 
ter for some time, it was agreed that we should take the 
road for Kinytakooro ; but as that town was a long day's 
journey distant, it was necessary to take some refresh- 
ment. Accordingly, every person opened his provision 
bag, and brought a handful or two of meal to the place 
where Karfa and the slatees were sitting. When every 
one had brought his quota, and the whole was properly 
arranged in small gourd shells, the schoolmaster offered 
up a short prayer, the substance of which was, that God 



THE COFFLE CROSSES JALLONKA WILDERNESS. 



69 



and the holy Prophet might preserve us from rohhers 
and all bad people, that our provisions might never fail 
us, nor our limbs become fatigued. This ceremony being 
ended, every one partook of the meal, and drank a little 
water ; after which we set forward (rather running 
than walking), until we came to the river Kokoro, a 
branch of the Senegal, where we halted about ten mi- 
nutes. The banks of this river are very high ; and 
from the grass and brushwood which had been left by 
the stream, it was evident that at this place the water 
had risen more than twenty feet perpendicular during 
the rainy season. At this time it was only a small 
stream, such as would turn a mill, swarming with fish ; 
and on account of the number of crocodiles, and the 
danger of being carried past the ford by the force of 
the stream in the rainy season, it is called Kokoro (dan- 
gerous). From this place .we continued to travel with 
the greatest expedition, and in the afternoon crossed 
two small branches of the Kokoro. About sunset we 
came in sight of Kinytakooro, a considerable town, 
nearly square, situated in the middle of a large and 
well-cultivated plain : before we entered the town, we 
halted until the people who had fallen behind came up. 
During this day's travel, two slaves, a woman and a 
girl, belonging to a slatee of Bala, were so much fa- 
tigued that they could not keep up with the coffle ; they 
were severely whipped, and dragged along until about 
three o'clock in the afternoon, when they were both 
affected with vomiting, by which it was discovered that 
they had eaten clay. This practice is by no means un- 
common amongst the negroes ; but whether it arises 
from a vitiated appetite, or from a settled intention to 
destroy themselves, I cannot affirm. They were per- 
mitted to lie down in the woods, and three people re- 
mained with them until they had rested themselves, 
but they did not arrive at the town until past midnight ; 
and were then so much exhausted, that the slatee gave 
up all thoughts of taking them across the woods in their 
present condition, and determined to return with them 
to Bala, and wait for another opportunity. 

As this was the first town beyond the limits of Man- 
ding, greater etiquette than usual was observed. Every 
person was ordered to keep in his proper station, and 
we marched towards the town in a sort of procession 
nearly as follows : — In front five or six singing men, all 
of them belonging to the coffle ; these were followed 
Jby the other free people ; then came the slaves, fas- 
tened in the usual way by a rope round their necks, 
four of them to a rope, and a man with a spear between 
each four ; after them came the domestic slaves, and 
in the rear the women of free condition, wives of the 
slatees, &c. In this manner we proceeded until we 
came within a hundred yards of the gate, when the 
singing men began a loud song, well calculated to flatter 
the vanity of' the inhabitants, by extolling their known 
hospitality to strangers, and their particular friendship 
for the Mandingoes. When we entered the town we 
proceeded to the bentang, where the people gathered 
round us to hear our dentegi (history) ; this was re- 
lated publicly by two of the singing men — they enume- 
rated every little circumstance which had happened to 
the coffle, beginning with the events of the present day, 
and relating every thing in a backward series until they 
reached Kamalia. When this history was ended, the 
master of the town gave them a small present, and all 
the people of the coffle, both free and enslaved, were in- 
vited by some person or other, and accommodated with 
lodging and provisions for the night. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

The Coffle crosses the Jallonka Wilderness. — Miserable Fate of 
one of the Female Slaves— Arrives at Sooseeta — Proceeds to 
Manna. — Some Account of the Jallonkas. — Crosses the Main 
Stream of the Senegal.— Bridge of a singular Construction.— 
Arrives at Malacotta.— Remarkable Conduct of the King of the 
Jaloffs. 

We continued at Kinytakooro until noon of the 22d of 
April, when we removed to a village about seven miles 



to the westward, the inhabitants of which, being appre- 
hensive of hostilities from the Foulahs of Fooladoo, 
were at this time employed in constructing small tem- 
porary huts among the rocks, on the side of a high hill 
close to the village. The situation was almost impreg- 
nable, being every where surrounded with high pre- 
cipices, except on the eastern side, where the natives 
had left a pathway sufficient to allow one person at a 
time to ascend. Upon the brow of the hill, immediately 
over this path, I observed several heaps of large loose 
stones, which the people told me were intended to be 
thrown down upon the Foulahs, if they should attempt 
the hill. 

At daybreak on the 23d we departed from this vil- 
lage, and entered the Jallonka Wilderness. We passed, 
in the course of the morning, the ruins of two small 
towns which had lately been burnt by the Foulahs. 
The fire must have been very intense, for I observed 
that the walls of many of the huts were slightly vitri- 
fied, and appeared at a distance as if covered with a 
red varnish. About ten o'clock we came to the river 
Wonda, which is somewhat larger than the river Ko- 
koro ; but the stream was at this time rather muddy, 
which Karfa assured me was occasioned by amazing 
shoals of fish. They were indeed seen in all directions, 
and in such abundance that I fancied the water itself 
tasted and smelt fishy. As soon as we had crossed the 
river, Karfa gave orders that all the people of the coffle 
should in future keep close together, and travel in their 
proper station. The guides and young men were ac- 
cordingly placed in the van, the women and slaves in 
the centre, and the freemen in the rear. In this order 
we travelled with uncommon expedition through a 
woody but beautiful country, interspersed with a pleas- 
ing variety of hill and dale, and abounding with par- 
tridges, guinea-fowls, and deer, until sunset, when we 
arrived at a most romantic stream called Co-meissang. 
My arms and neck having been exposed to the sun 
during the whole day, and irritated by the rubbing of 
my dress in walking, were now very much inflamed 
and covered with blisters, and I was happy to embrace 
the opportunity, while the coffle rested on the bank of 
this river, to bathe myself in the stream. This prac- 
tice, together with the cool of the evening, much dimi- 
nished the inflammation. About three miles to the 
westward of the Co-meissang we halted in a thick wood, 
and kindled our fires for the night. We were all by 
this time very much fatigued, having, as I judged, 
travelled this day thirty miles, but no person was heard 
to complain. Whilst supper was preparing, Karfa 
made one of the slaves break some branches from the 
trees for my bed. When we had finished our supper 
of kouskous, moistened with some boiling water, and 
put the slaves in irons, we all lay down to sleep ; but 
we were frequently disturbed in the night by the howl- 
ing of wild beasts, and we found the small brown ants 
very troublesome. 

April 24th. — Before daybreak the bushreens said 
their morning prayers, and most of the free people 
drank a little moening (a sort of gruel), part of which 
was likewise given to such of the slaves as appeared 
least able to sustain the fatigues of the day. One of 
Karfa's female slaves was very sulky, and when some 
gruel was offered to her, she refused to drink it. As 
soon as day dawned we set out, and travelled the whole 
morning over a wild and rocky country, by which my 
feet were much bruised, and 1 was sadly apprehensive 
that I should not be able to keep up with the coffle 
during the day ; but I was in a great measure relieved 
from this anxiety, when I observed that others were 
more exhausted than myself. In particular, the wo- 
man slave who had refused victuals in the morning, 
began now to lag behind, and complain dreadfully of 
pains in her legs. Her load was taken from her and 
given to another slave, and she was ordered to keep in 
the front of the coffle. About eleven o'clock, as we 
were resting by a small rivulet, some of the people dis- 
covered a hive of bees, in a hollow tree, and they were 
proceeding to obtain the honey, when the largest swarm 
I ever beheld flew out, and, attacking the people of the 



70 



MISERIES OF THE SLAVE COFELE. 



coffle, made us fly in all directions. I took the alarm 
first, and I believe was the only person who escaped 
with impunity. When our enemies thought fit to de- 
sist from pursuing us, and every person was employed 
in picking out the stings he had received, it was dis- 
covered that the poor woman above mentioned, whose 
name was Nealee, was not come up ; and as many of 
the slaves in their retreat had left their bundles behind 
them, it became necessary for some persons to return 
and bring them. In order to do this with safety, fire 
was set to the grass a considerable way to the eastward 
of the hive, and the wind driving the fire furiously 
along, the party pushed through the smoke, and re- 
covered the bundles. They likewise brought with them 
poor Nealee, whom they found lying by the rivulet. 
She was very much exhausted, and had crept to the 
stream in hopes to defend herself from the bees, by 
throwing water over her body ; but this proved inef- 
fectual, for she was stung in the most dreadful manner. 

When the slatees had picked out the stings as far as 
they could, she was washed with water, and then rubbed 
with bruised leaves ; but the wretched woman obsti- 
nately refused to proceed any farther, declaring that 
she would rather die than walk another step. As en- 
treaties and threats were used in vain, the whip was 
at length applied ; and after bearing patiently a few 
strokes, she started up, and walked with tolerable ex- 
pedition for four or five hours longer, when she made 
an attempt to run away from the coffle, but was so very 
weak that she fell down in the grass. Though she was 
unable to rise, the whip was a second time applied, but 
without effect, upon which Karfa desired two of the 
slatees to place her upon the ass which carried our dry 
provisions; but she could not sit erect, and the ass 
being very refractory, it was found impossible to carry 
her forward in that manner. The slatees, however, 
were unwilling to abandon her, the day's journey being 
nearly ended ; they therefore made a sort of litter of 
bamboo canes, upon which she was placed, and tied on 
it with slips of bark ; this litter was carried upon the 
heads of two slaves, one walking before the other, and 
they were followed by two others, who relieved them 
occasionally. In this manner the woman was carried 
forward until it was dark, when we reached a stream 
of water, at the foot of a high hill called Gankaran- 
Kooro, and here we stopt for the night, and set about 
preparing our supper. As we had only ate one hand- 
ful of meal since the preceding night, and travelled all 
day in a hot sun, many of the slaves who had loads 
upon their heads were very much fatigued, and some 
of them snapt their fingers, which among the negroes 
is a sure sign of desperation. The slatees immediately 
put them all in irons ; and such of them as had evinced 
signs of great despondency were kept apart from the 
rest, and had their hands tied. In the morning they 
were found greatly recovered. 

April 25th. — At daybreak poor Nealee was awakened, 
but her limbs were now become so stiff and painful 
that she could neither walk nor stand ; she was there- 
fore lifted, like a corpse, upon the back of the ass, and 
the slatees endeavoured to secure her in that situation 
by fastening her hands together under the ass's neck, 
and her feet under the belly, with long slips of bark ; 
but the ass was so very unruly that no sort of treat- 
ment could induce him to proceed with his load, and as 
Nealee made no exertion to prevent herself from fall- 
ing, she was quickly thrown off, and had one of her legs 
much bruised. Every attempt to carry her forward 
being thus found ineffectual, the general cry of the 
coffle was Kang-tegi, kang-tegi ! (" Cut her throat, cut 
her throat !") — an operation I did not wish to see per- 
formed, and therefore marched onwards with the fore- 
most of the coffle. I had not walked above a mile, 
when one of Karfa's domestic slaves came up to me, 
with poor Nealee's garment upon the end of his bow, 
and exclaimed, Nealee affeeleeta ! (" Nealee is lost !") I 
asked him whether the slatees had given him the gar- 
ment as a reward for cutting her throat ; he replied, 
that Karfa and the schoolmaster would not consent to 
that measure, but had left her on the road, where un- 



doubtedly she soon perished, and was probably de- 
voured by wild beasts. 

The sad fate of this wretched woman, notwithstanding 
the outcry before mentioned, made a strong impression 
on the minds of the whole coffle, and the schoolmaster 
fasted the whole of the ensuing day in consequence of 
it. We proceeded in deep silence, and soon afterwards 
crossed the river Furkoomah, which was about as large 
as the river Wonda. We now travelled with great ex- 
pedition, every one being apprehensive he might other- 
wise meet with the fate of poor Nealee. It was, however, 
with great difficulty that I could keep up, although I 
threw away my spear and every thing that could in the 
least obstruct me. About noon we saw a large herd of 
elephants, but they suffered us to pass unmolested ; and 
in the evening we halted near a thicket of bamboo, but 
found no water, so that we were forced to proceed four 
miles farther, to a small stream, where we stopt for the 
night. We had marched this day, as I judged, about 
twenty-six miles. 

April 26th. — This morning two of the schoolmaster's 
pupils complained much of pains in their legs, and one 
of the slaves walked lame, the soles of his feet being 
very much blistered and inflamed ; we proceeded, not- 
withstanding, and about eleven o'clock began to ascend 
a rocky hill called Boki-Kooro, and it was past two in 
the afternoon before we reached the level ground on 
the other side. This was the most rocky road we had 
yet encountered, and it hurt our feet much. In a 
short time we arrived at a pretty large river called 
Boki, which wj forded : it ran smooth and clear over 
a bed of whinstone. About a mile to the westward of 
the river, we came to a road which leads to the north- 
east towards Gadou, and seeing the marks of many 
horses' feet upon the soft sand, the slatees conjectured 
that a party of plunderers had lately rode that way to 
fall upon some town of Gadou ; and lest they should 
discover upon their return that we had passed, and 
attempt to pursue us by the marks of our feet, the 
coffle was ordered to disperse, and travel in a loose 
manner through the high grass and bushes. A little 
before it was dark, having crossed the ridge of hills to 
the westward of the river Boki, we came to a well 
called cullong qui (white sand well), and here we 
rested for the night. 

April 27th. — We departed from the well early in the 
morning, and walked on with the greatest alacrity, in 
hopes of reaching a town before night. The road, dur- 
ing the forenoon, led through extensive thickets of dry 
bamboos. About two o'clock we came to a stream 
called Nunkolo, where we were each of us regaled with 
a handful of meal, which, according to a superstitious 
custom, was not to be eaten until it was first moistened 
with water from this stream. About four o'clock we 
reached Sooseeta, a small Jallonka village, situated in 
the district of Kullo, which comprehends all that tract 
of country lying along the banks of the Black River, 
or main branch of the Senegal. These were the first 
human habitations we had seen since we left the village 
to the westward of Kinytakooro, having travelled m 
the course of the last five days upwards of one hundred 
miles. Here, after a great deal of entreaty, we were 
provided with huts to sleep in, but the master of the 
village plainly told us that he could not give us any 
provisions, as there had lately been a great scarcity in 
this part of the country. He assured us, that before 
they had gathered in their present crops, the whole in- 
habitants of Kullo had been for twenty-nine days with- 
out tasting corn, during which time they supported 
themselves entirely upon the yellow powder which is 
found in the pods of the nitta, so called by the natives, a 
species of mimosa, and upon the seeds of the bamboo 
cane, which, when properly pounded and dressed, taste 
very much like rice. As our dry provisions were not 
yet exhausted, a considerable quantity of kouskous was 
dressed for supper, and many orVthe villagers were in- 
vited to take part of the repast ; but they made a very 
bad return for this kindness, for in the night they 
seized upon one of the schoolmaster's boys, who had 
fallen asleep under the bentang tree, and carried him 



REACHES MALACOTTA. 



71 



away. The boy fortunately awoke before he was far 
from the village, and setting up a loud scream, the man 
who carried him put his hand upon his mouth, and ran 
with him into the woods ; but afterwards understand- 
ing that he belonged to the schoolmaster, whose place 
of residence is only three days' journey distant, he 
thought, I suppose, that he could not retain him as a 
slave without the schoolmaster's knowledge, and there- 
fore stripped off the boy's clothes, and permitted him 
to return. 

April 28th. — Early in the morning we departed from 
Sooseeta, and about ten o'clock came to an unwalled 
town called Manna, the inhabitants of which were 
employed in collecting the fruit of the nitta trees, which 
are very numerous in this neighbourhood. The pods 
are long and narrow, and contain a few black seeds 
enveloped in the fine mealy powder before mentioned ; 
the meal itself is of a bright yellow colour, resembling 
the flour of sulphur, and has a sweet mucilaginous 
taste: when eaten by itself it is clammy, but when 
mixed with milk or water, it constitutes a very pleasant 
and nourishing article of diet. 

The language of the people of Manna is the same 
that is spoken all over that extensive and hilly country 
called Jalonkadoo. Some of the words have a great 
affinity to the Mandingo, but the natives themselves 
consider it as a distinct language : their numerals are 
these : — 



One, Kidding. 
Two, Fidding. 
Three, Sarra. 
Four, Nani. 
Five, Soolo. 



Six, Seni. 
Seven, Soolo ma fidding. 
Eight, Soolo ma sarra. 
Nine, Soolo ma nani. 
Ten, Nuff. 



The Jallonkas, like the Mandingoes, are governed by a 
number of petty chiefs, who are in a great measure in- 
dependent of each other : they have no common sove- 
reign, and the chiefs are seldom upon such terms of 
friendship as to assist each other even in war tune. 
The chief of Manna, with a number of his people, ac- 
companied us to the banks of the Bafing, or Black River 
(a principal branch of the Senegal), which we crossed 
upon a bridge of bamboos of a very singular construc- 
tion. The river at this place is smooth and deep, and 
has very little current. Two tall trees, when tied toge- 
ther by the tops, are sufficiently long to reach from one 
side to the other, the roots resting upon the rocks, and 
the tops floating in the water. When a few trees have 
been placed in this direction, they are covered with dry 
bamboos, so as to form a floating bridge, with a sloping 
gangway at each end, where the trees rest upon the 
rocks. This bridge is carried away every year by the 
swelling of the river in the rainy season, and is con- 
stantly rebuilt by the inhabitants of Manna, who, on 
that account, expect a small tribute from every pas- 
senger. 

In the afternoon we passed several villages, at none 
of which we could procure a lodging ; and in the twi- 
light we received information that two hundred Jallon- 
kas had assembled near a town called Melo, with a view 
to plunder the coffie. This induced us to alter our 
course, and we travelled with great secrecy until mid- 
night, when we approached a town called Koba. Before 
we entered the town, the names of all the people be- 
longing to the coffie were called over, and a freeman 
and three slaves were found to be missing. Every 
person immediately concluded that the slaves had mur- 
dered the freeman and made their escape. It was 
therefore agreed that six people should go back as far 
as the last village, and endeavour to find his body, or 
collect some information concerning the slaves. In the 
meantime, the coffie was ordered to lie concealed in a 
cotton field near a large nitta tree, and nobody to speak 
except in a whisper. It was towards morning before 
the six men returned, having heard nothing of the man 
or the slaves. As none of us had tasted victuals for 
the last twenty-four hours, it was agreed that we should 
go into Koba, and endeavour to procure some provi- 
sions. We accordingly entered the town before it was 
quite day, and Karfa purchased from the chief man, 
for three strings of beads, a considerable quantity 9f 



ground nuts, which we roasted and ate for breakfast ; 
we were afterwards provided with huts, and rested here 
for the day. 

About eleven o'clock, to our great joy and surprise, 
the freeman and slaves who had parted from the coffie 
the preceding night, entered the town. One of the 
slaves, it seems, had hurt his foot, and the night being 
very dark, they soon lost sight of the coffie. The free- 
man, as soon as he found himself alone with the slaves, 
was aware of his own danger, and insisted on putting 
them in irons. The slaves were at first rather unwill- 
ing to submit, but when he threatened to stab them one 
by one with his spear, they made no farther resistance; 
and he remained with them among the bushes until 
morning, when he let them out of irons, and came to 
the town in hopes of hearing which route the coffie had 
taken. The information that we received concerning 
the Jallonkas, who intended to rob the coffie, was this 
day confirmed, and we were forced to remain here until 
the afternoon of the 30th, when Karfa hired a number 
of people to protect us, and we proceeded to a village 
called Tinkingtang. Departing from this village on the 
day following, we crossed a high ridge of mountains to 
the west of the Black River, and travelled over a rough 
stony country until sunset, when we arrived at Lingi- 
cotta, a small village in the district of Woradoo. Here 
we shook out the last handful of meal from our dry 
provision bags, this being the second day (since we 
crossed the Black River) that we had travelled from 
morning until night without tasting one morsel of food. 

May 2d. — We departed from Lingicotta; but the 
slaves being very much fatigued, we halted for the night 
at a village about nine miles to the westward, and pro- 
cured some provisions through the interest of the 
schoolmaster, who now sent forward a messenger to 
Malacotta, his native town, to inform his friends of his 
arrival in the country, and to desire them to provide 
the necessary quantity of victuals to entertain the coffie 
for two or three days. 

May 3d. — We set out for Malacotta, and about noon 
arrived at a village near a considerable stream of water 
which flows to the westward : here we determined to 
stop for the return of the messenger which had been 
sent to Malacotta the day before ; and as the natives 
assured me there were no crocodiles in this stream, I 
went and bathed myself. Very few people here can 
swim, for they came in numbers to dissuade me from 
venturing into a pool where they said the water would 
come over my head. About two o'clock the messenger 
returned from Malacotta, and the schoolmaster's elder 
brother being impatient to see him, came along with 
the messenger to meet him at this village. The inter- 
view between the two brothers, who had not seen each 
other for nine years, was very natural and affecting. 
They fell upon each other's neck, and it was some time 
before either of them could speak. At length, when 
the schoolmaster had a little recovered himself, he took 
his brother by the hand, and turning round, " This is 
the man," said he, pointing to Karfa, " who has been 
my father in Manding ; I would have pointed him out 
sooner to you, but my heart was too full." 

We reached Malacotta in the evening, where we were 
well received. This is an unwalled town ; the huts for 
the most part are made of split cane, twisted into a sort 
of wicker-work, and plastered over with mud. Here 
we remained three days, and were each day presented 
with a bullock from the schoolmaster ; we were likewise 
well entertained by the townspeople, who appear to be 
very active and industrious. They make very good 
soap by boiling ground nuts in water, and then adding 
a ley of wood ashes. They likewise manufacture ex- 
cellent iron, which they carry to Bondou to barter for salt. 
A party of the townspeople had lately returned from 
a trading expedition of this kind, and brought informa- 
tion concerning a war between Almami Abdulkader, 
king of Foota-Torra, and Darnel, king of the Jaloffs. 
The events of this war soon became a favourite subject 
with the singing men, and the common topic of conver- 
sation in all the kingdoms bordering upon the Senegal 
and Gambia ; and as the account is somewhat singular, 



72 



THE CARAVAN PROCEEDS TO KONKADOO, 



I shall here abridge it for the reader's information. The 
king of Foota-Torra, inflamed with a zeal for propa- 
gating his religion, had sent an embassy to Darnel si- 
milar to that which he had sent to Kasson, as related 
in page 21. The ambassador, on the present occasion, 
was accompanied by two of the principal bushreens, 
who carried each a large knife, fixed on the top of a 
long pole. As soon as he had procured admission into 
the presence of Darnel, and announced the pleasure of 
his sovereign, he ordered the bushreens to present the 
emblems of his mission. The two knives were accord- 
ingly laid before Darnel, and the ambassador explained 
himself as follows : — " With this knife," said he, " Ab- 
dulkader will condescend to shave the head of Darnel, 
if Darnel will embrace the Mahomedan faith ; and with 
this other knife, Abdulkader will cut the throat of Darnel, 
if Darnel refuses to embrace it : — Take your choice." 
Darnel coolly told the ambassador that he had no choice 
to make — he neither chose to have his head shaved, nor 
his throat cut ; and with' this answer the ambassador 
was civilly dismissed. Abdulkader took his measures 
accordingly, and with a powerful army invaded Darnel's 
country. The inhabitants of the towns and villages 
filled up their wells, destroyed their provisions, carried 
off their effects, and abandoned their dwellings, as he 
approached. By this means he was led on from place 
to place, until he had advanced three days' journey 
into the country of the Jaloffs. He had, indeed, met 
with no opposition, but his army had suffered so much 
from the scarcity of water that several of his men had 
died by the way. This induced him to direct his march 
towards a watering-place in the woods, where his men, 
having quenched their thirst, and being overcome with 
fatigue, lay down carelessly to sleep among the bushes. 
In this situation, they were attacked by Darnel before 
daybreak, and completely routed. Many of them were 
trampled to death, as they lay asleep, by the Jaloff 
horses ; others were killed in attempting to make their 
escape ; and a still greater number were taken prisoners. 
Among the latter was Abdulkader himself. This am- 
bitious, or rather frantic prince, who but a month be- 
fore had sent the threatening message to Darnel, was 
now himself led into his presence as a miserable cap- 
tive. The behaviour of Darnel, on this occasion, is 
never mentioned by the singing men but in terms of 
the highest approbation ; and it was indeed so extraor- 
dinary in an African prince, that the reader may find 
it difficult to give credit to the recital. When his royal 
prisoner was brought before him in irons, and thrown 
upon the ground, the magnanimous Darnel, instead of 
setting his foot upon his neck, and stabbing him with 
his spear, according to custom in such cases, addressed 
him as follows : — " Abdulkader*, answer me this ques- 
tion. If the chance of war had placed me in your situa- 
tion, and you in mine, how would you have treated 
me ?" " I would have thrust my spear into your heart," 
returned Abdulkader with great firmness ; " and I 
know that a similar fate awaits me." " Not so," said 
Darnel ; " my spear is indeed red with the blood of your 
subjects lolled in battle, and I could now give it a deeper 
stain by dipping it in your own, but this would not 
build up my towns, nor bring to life the thousands who 
fell in the woods. I will not therefore kill you in cold 
blood, but I will retain you as my slave, until I perceive 
that your presence in your own kingdom will be no 
longer dangerous to your neighbours, and then I will 
consider of the proper way of disposing of you." Ab- 
dulkader was accordingly retained, and worked as a 
slave for three months ; at the end of which period, 
Darnel listened to the solicitations of the inhabitants of 
Foota-Torra, and restored to them their king. Strange 
as this story may appear, I have no doubt of the truth 
of it ; it was told me at Malacotta by the negroes — it 
was afterwards related to me by the Europeans on the 
Gambia — by some of the French at Goree — and con- 
firmed by nine slaves, who were taken prisoners along 
with Abdulkader by the watering-place in the woods, 
and carried in the same ship with me to the West 
Indies. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

The Caravan proceeds to Konkadoo, and crosses the FalemS 
River. — Its arrival at Baniserile, Kirwani, and Tambacunda. 
— Incidents on the Road. — A Matrimonial Case. — The Caravan 
proceeds through many Towns and Villages, and arrives at 
length on the Banks of the Gambia. — Passes through Medina, 
the Capital of Woolli, and finally stops at Jindey. — The Au- 
thor, accompanied by Karfa, proceeds to Pisania. — Various 
Occurrences previous to his Departure from Africa— Takes his 
Passage in an American Ship. — Short Account of his Voyage 
to Great Britain by the Way of the West Indies. 

On the 7th of May we departed from Malacotta, and 
having crossed the Ba Lee (Honey River), a branch of 
the Senegal, we arrived in the evening at a walled town 
called Bintingala, where we rested two days. From 
thence, in one day more, we proceeded to Dindikoo, a 
small town situated at the bottom of a high ridge of 
hills, from which this district is named Konkodoo (the 
country of mountains). These hills are very productive 
of gold. I was shown a small quantity of this metal, 
which had been lately collected ; the grains were about 
the usual size, but much flatter than those of Manding, 
and were found in white quartz, which had been broken 
to pieces by hammers. At this town I met with a 
negro whose hair and skin were of a dull white colour. 
He was of that sort which are called in the Spanish 
West Indies albinos, or white negroes. The skin is 
cadaverous and unsightly, and the natives considered 
this complexion (I believe truly) as the effect of disease. 

May 11th. — At daybreak we departed from Dindikoo, 
and, after a toilsome day's travel, arrived in the evening 
at Satadoo, the capital of a district of the same name. 
This town was formerly of considerable extent, but 
many families had left it in consequence of the preda- 
tory incursions of the Foulahs of Foota-Jalla, who made 
it a practice to come secretly through the woods, and 
carry off people from the corn-fields, and even from the 
wells near the town. In the afternoon of the 12th, we 
crossed the Faleme river, the same which I had for- 
merly crossed at Bondou in my journey eastward. This 
river, at this season of the year, is easily forded at this 
place, the stream being only about two feet deep. The 
water is very pure, and flows rapidly over a bed of sand 
and gravel. We lodged for the night at a small village 
called Medina, the sole property of a Mandingo mer- 
chant, who, by a long intercourse with Europeans, has 
been induced to adopt some of their customs. His 
victuals were served up in pewter dishes, and even his 
houses were built after the fashion of the English houses 
on the Gambia. 

May 13th. — In the morning, as we were preparing 
to depart, a coffle of slaves belonging to some Sera woolli 
traders crossed the river, and agreed to proceed with 
us to Baniserile, the capital of Dentila — a very long 
day's journey from this place. We accordingly set out 
together, and travelled with great expedition through 
the woods until noon, when one of the Sera woolli slaves 
dropt the load from his head, for which he was smartly 
whipped. The load was replaced, but he had not 
proceeded above a mile before he let it fall a second 
time, for which he received the same punishment. 
After this he > travelled in great pain until about two 
o'clock, when we stopt to breathe a little, by a pool of 
water, the day being remarkably hot. The poor slave 
was now so completely exhausted that his master was 
obliged to release him from the rope, for he lay motion- 
less on the ground. A Serawoolli therefore undertook 
to remain with him, and endeavour to bring him to the 
town during the cool of the night : in the meanwhile we 
continued our route, and, after a very hard day's travel, 
arrived at Baniserile late in the evening. 

One of our slatees was a native of this place, from 
which he had been absent three years. This man in- 
vited me to go with him to his house, at the gate of which 
his friends met him, with many expressions of joy, 
shaking hands with him, embracing him, and singing 
and dancing before him. As soon as he had seated 
himself upon a mat, by the threshold of his door, a 
young woman (his intended bride) brought a little water 



ENTERS THE TEND A WILDERNESS. 



73 



in a calabash, and kneeling down before him, desired 
him to wash his hands ; when he had done this, the girl, 
with a tear of joy sparkling in her eyes, drank the water 
— this being considered as the greatest proof she could 
possibly give him of her fidelity and attachment. About 
eight o'clock the same evening, the Serawoolli, who had 
been left in the woods to take care of the fatigued slave, 
returned and told us that he was dead — the general opi- 
nion, however, was that he himself had killed him or left 
him to perish on the road, for the Serawoollies are said 
to be infinitely more cruel in their treatment of slaves 
than the Mandingoes. We remained at Baniserile two 
days, in order to purchase native iron, shea-butter, and 
some other articles for sale on the Gambia ; and here 
the slatee who had invited me to his house, and who 
possessed three slaves, part of the coffle, having ob- 
tained information that the price on the coast was very 
low, determined to separate from us, and remain with 
his slaves where he was, until an opportunity should 
offer of disposing of them to advantage — giving us to 
understand that he should complete his nuptials with 
the young woman before mentioned in the meantime. 

May 16th. — We departed from Baniserile, and tra- 
velled through thick woods until noon, when we saw at 
a distance the town of Julifunda, but did not approach 
it, as we proposed to rest for the night at a large town 
called Kirwani, which we reached about four o'clock 
in the afternoon. This town stands in a valley, and 
the country, for more than a mile round it, is cleared 
of wood and well cultivated. The inhabitants appear 
to be very active and industrious, and seem to have 
carried the system of agriculture to some degree of 
perfection, for they collect the dung of their cattle into 
large heaps during the dry season, for the purpose of 
manuring their land with it at the proper time. I saw 
nothing like this in any other part of Africa. Near the 
town are several smelting furnaces, from which the 
natives obtain very good iron. They afterwards ham- 
mer the metal into small bars, about a foot in length 
and two inches in breadth, one of which bars is suffi- 
cient to make two Mandingo corn hoes. On the morn- 
ing after our arrival we were visited by a slatee of this 
place, who informed Karfa, that among some slaves he 
had lately purchased was a native of Foota-Jalla, and 
as that country was at no great distance, he could not 
safely employ him in the labours of the field, lest he 
should effect his escape. The slatee was therefore de- 
sirous of exchanging this slave for one of Karfa's, and 
offered some cloth and shea-butter to induce Karfa to 
comply with the proposal, which was accepted. The 
slatee thereupon sent a boy to order the slave in ques- 
tion to bring him a few ground nuts. The poor creature 
soon afterwards entered the court in which we were sit- 
ting, having no suspicion of what was negotiating, until 
the master caused the gate to be shut, and told him to sit 
down. The slave now saw his danger, and perceiving 
the gate to be shut upon him, threw down the nuts and 
jumped over the fence. He was immediately pursued 
and overtaken by the slatees, who brought him back 
and secured him in irons, after which one of Karfa's 
slaves was released and delivered in exchange. The 
unfortunate captive was at first very much dejected, 
but in the course of a few days his melancholy gradually 
subsided, and he became at length as cheerful as any 
of his companions. 

Departing from Kirwani on the morning of the 20th, 
we entered the Tenda Wilderness of two days' journey. 
The woods were very thick, and the country shelved 
towards the south-west. About ten o'clock we met a 
coffle of twenty-six people, and seven loaded asses, re- 
turning from the Gambia. Most of the men were 
armed with muskets, and had broad belts of scarlet 
cloth over their shoulders, and European hats upon 
their heads. They informed us that there was very 
little demand for slaves on the coast, as no vessel had 
arrived for some months past. On hearing this, the 
Serawoollies, who had travelled with us from the Falem£ 
river, separated themselves and their slaves from the 
coffle. They had not, they said, the means of main- 
taining their slaves in Gambia until a vessel should ar- 



rive, and were unwilling to sell them to disadvantage ; 
they therefore departed to the northward for Kajaaga. 
We continued our route through the wilderness, and 
travelled all day through a rugged country, covered 
with extensive thickets of bamboo. At sunset, to our 
great joy, we arrived at a pool of water near a large 
tabba tree, whence the place is called Tabba-gee, and 
here we rested a few hours. The water at this season 
of the year is by no means plentiful in these woods, and 
as the days were insufferably hot, Karfa proposed to 
travel in the night. Accordingly, about eleven o'clock 
the slaves were taken out of their irons, and the people 
of the coffle received orders to keep close together, as 
well to prevent the slaves from attempting to escape 
as on account of the wild beasts. We travelled with 
great alacrity until daybreak, when it was discovered 
that a free woman had parted from the coffle in the 
night : her name was called until the woods resounded, 
but no answer being given, we conjectured that she had 
either mistaken the road, or that a lion had seized her 
unperceived. At length it was agreed that four people 
should go back a few miles to a small rivulet, where 
some of the coffle had stopt to drink as we passed it in 
the night, and that the coffle should wait for their re- 
turn. The sun was about an hour high before the 
people came back with the woman, whom they found 
lying fast asleep by the stream. We now resumed our 
journey, and about eleven o'clock reached a walled 
town called Tambacunda, where we were well received. 
Here we remained four days, on account of a palaver 
which was held on the following occasion : — Modi Le- 
mina, one of the slatees belonging to the coffle, had 
formerly married a woman of this town, who had borne 
him two children ; he afterwards went to Manding, and 
remained there eight years, without sending any account 
of himself during all that time to his deserted wife, 
who, seeing no prospect of his return, at the end of 
three years had married another man, to whom she 
had likewise borne two children. Lemina now claimed 
his wife ; but the second husband refused to deliver her 
up, insisting that by the laws of Africa, when a man 
has been three years absent from his wife, without giv- 
ing her notice of his being alive, the woman is at liberty 
to marry again. After all the circumstances had been 
fully investigated in an assembly of the chief men, it 
was determined that the wife should make her choice, 
and be at liberty either to return to the first husband, 
or continue with the second^ as she alone should think 
proper. Favourable as this determination was to the 
lady, she found it a difficult matter to make up her 
mind, and requested time for consideration ; but I 
think I could perceive that first love would carry the 
day. Lemina was indeed somewhat older than his 
rival, but he was also much richer. What weight this 
circumstance had in the scale of his wife's affections I 
pretend not to say. 

About one o'clock on the morning of the 26th, we 
reached Sibikillin, a walled village ; but the inhabi- 
tants having the character of inhospitality towards 
strangers, and of being much addicted to theft, we did 
not think proper to enter the gate. We rested a short 
time under a tree, and then continued our route until 
it was dark, when we halted for the night by a small 
stream running towards the Gambia. Next day the 
road led over a wild and rocky country, every where 
rising into hills, and abounding with monkeys and wild 
beasts. In the rivulets among the hills we found great 
plenty of fish. This was a very hard day's journey, and 
it was not until sunset that we reached the village of 
Koomboo, near to which are the ruins of a large town 
formerly destroyed by war. The inhabitants of Koom- 
boo, like those of Sibikillin, have so bad a reputation, 
that strangers seldom lodge in the village ; we accord- 
ingly rested for the night in the fields, where wo erected 
temporary huts for our protection, there being great 
appearance of rain. 

May 28th.— Wo departed from Koomboo, and slept 
at a Foulah town about seven miles to the westward ; 
from which, on the day following, having crossed a con- 
siderable branch of the Gambia, called Neola Koba, we 



74 



RETURN TO THE GAMBIA* 



reached a well-inhabited part of the country. Here are 
several towns within sight of each other, collectively 
called Tenda, but each is distinguished also by its parti- 
cular name. We lodged at one of them called Koba 
Tenda, where we remained the day following, in order 
to procure provisions for our support in crossing the 
Simbani woods. On the 30th we reached Jallacotta, 
a considerable town, but much infested by Foulah ban- 
ditti, who come through the woods from Bondou, and 
steal every thing they can lay their hands on. A few 
days before our arrival they had stolen twenty head of 
cattle, and on the day following made a second attempt, 
but were beaten off, and one of them taken prisoner. 
Here one of the slaves belonging to the coffle, who had 
travelled with great difficulty for the last three days, 
was found unable to proceed any farther : his master 
(a singing man) proposed therefore to exchange him 
for a young slave girl belonging to one of the townspeople. 
The poor girl was ignorant of her fate until the bundles 
were all tied up in the morning, and the coffle ready to 
depart, when, coming with some other young women 
to see the coffle set out, her master took her by the 
hand, and delivered her to the singing man. Never 
was a face of serenity more suddenly changed into one 
of the deepest distress ; the terror she manifested on 
having the load put upon her head, and the rope fas- 
tened round her neck, and the sorrow with which she 
bade adieu to her companions, were truly affecting. 
About nine o'clock we crossed a large plain covered 
with ciboa trees (a species of palm), and came to the 
river Nerico, a branch of the Gambia. This was but 
a small river at this time, but in the rainy season it is 
often dangerous to travellers. As soon as we had 
crossed this river, the singing men began to vocife- 
rate a particular song, expressive of their joy at having 
got safe into the west country, or, as they expressed it, 
the land of the setting sun. The country was found to 
be very level, and the soil a mixture of clay and sand. 
In the afternoon it rained hard, and we had recourse 
to the common negro umbrella, a large ciboa leaf, which 
being placed upon the head, completely defends the 
whole body from the rain. We lodged for the night 
under the shade of a large tabba tree, near the ruins 
of a village. On the morning following we crossed a 
stream called Noulico, and about two o'clock, to my in- 
finite joy, I saw myself once more on the banks of the 
Gambia, which at this place being deep and smooth, is 
navigable ; but the people told me, that a little lower 
down the stream is so shallow that the coffles fre- 
quently cross it on foot. On the south side of the river 
opposite to this place, is a large plain of clayey ground, 
called Toombi Toorila. It is a sort of morass, in which 
people are frequently lost, it being more than a day's 
journey across it. In the afternoon we met a man and 
two women, with bundles of cotton cloth upon their 
heads. They were going, they said, for Dentila, to 
purchase iron, there being a great scarcity of that ar- 
ticle on the Gambia. A little before it was dark we 
arrived at a village in the kingdom of Woolli, called 
Seesukunda. Near this village there are great plenty 
of nitta trees, and the slaves in passing along had col- 
lected large bunches of the fruit ; but such was the 
superstition of the inhabitants, that they would not 
permit any of the fruit to be brought into the village. 
They had been told, they said, that some catastrophe 
would happen to the place, when people lived upon 
nittas and neglected to cultivate corn. 

June 2d. — We departed from Seesukunda, and passed 
a number of villages, at none of which was the coffle per- 
mitted to stop, although we were all very much fatigued : 
it was four o'clock in the afternoon before we reached 
Baraconda, where we rested one day. Departing from 
Baraconda on the morning of the 4th, we reached in a 
few hours Medina, the capital of the king of Woolli's 
dominions, from whom the reader may recollect I re- 
ceived an hospitable reception in the beginning of De- 
cember 1795, in my journey eastward (see p. 13). I 
immediately inquired concerning the health of my good 
old benefactor, and learnt with great concern that he 
was dangerously ill. As Karfa would not allow the coffle 



to stop, I could not present my respects to the king In 
person, but I sent him word, by the officer to whom 
we paid customs, that his prayers for my safety had 
not been unavailing. We continued our route until 
sunset, when we lodged at a small village a little to the 
westward of Kootacunda, and on the day following ar- 
rived at Jindey, where, eighteen months before, I had 
parted from my friend Dr Laidley — an interval during 
which I had not beheld the face of a Christian, nor once 
heard the delightful sound of my native language. 

Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, 
from whence my journey originally commenced, and 
learning that my friend Karfa was not likely to meet 
with an immediate opportunity of selling his slaves on 
the Gambia, it occurred to me to suggest to him, that 
he would find it for his interest to leave them at Jindey 
until a market should offer. Karfa agreed with me in 
this opinion, and hired from the chief man of the town 
huts for their accommodation, and a piece of land on 
which to employ them in raising corn, and other pro- 
visions for their maintenance. With regard to himself, 
he declared that he would not quit me until my depar- 
ture from Africa. We set out accordingly, Karfa, my- 
self, and one of the Foulahs belonging to the coffle, 
early on the morning of the 9th ; but although I was 
now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome 
journey, and expected in another day to meet with 
countrymen and friends, I could not part, for the last 
time, with my unfortunate fellow-travellers — doomed, 
as I knew most of them to be, to a life of captivity and 
slavery in a foreign land — without great emotion. Dur- 
ing a wearisome peregrination of more than five hun- 
dred British miles, exposed to the burning rays of a 
tropical sun, these poor slaves, amidst their own in- 
finitely greater sufferings, would commiserate mine, 
and frequently, of their own accord, bring water to 
quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and 
leaves to prepare me a bed in the wilderness. We parted 
with reciprocal expressions of regret and benediction. 
My good wishes and prayers were all I could bestow 
upon them, and it afforded me some consolation to be 
told that they were sensible I had no more to give. 

My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on 
the road, we reached Tendacunda in the evening, and 
were hospitably received at the house of an aged black 
female called Seniora Camilla, a person who had re- 
sided many years at the English factory, and spoke our 
language. I was known to her before I had left the 
Gambia, at the outset of my journey, but my dress and 
figure were now so different from the usual appearance 
of a European, that she was very excusable in mis- 
taking me for a Moor. When I told her my name and 
country, she surveyed me with great astonishment, and 
seemed unwilling to give credit to the testimony of her 
senses. She assured me that none of the traders on 
the Gambia ever expected to see me again, having been 
informed long ago that the Moors of Ludamar had 
murdered me, as they had murdered Major Houghton. 
I inquired for my two attendants, Johnson and Demba, 
and learnt, with great sorrow, that neither of them was 
returned. Karfa, who had never before heard people 
converse in English, listened to us with great attention. 
Every thing fie saw seemed wonderful. The furniture 
of the house, the chairs, &c, and particularly beds with 
curtains, were objects of his great admiration, and he 
asked me a thousand questions concerning the utility 
and necessity of different articles, to some of which I 
found it difficult to give satisfactory answers. 

On the morning of the 10th, Mr Robert Ainsley, 
having learnt that I was at Tendacunda, came to meet 
me, and politely offered me the use of his horse. He 
informed me that Dr Laidley had removed all his pro- 
perty to a place called Kayee, a little farther down the 
river, and that he was then gone to Doomasansa with 
his vessel to purchase rice, but would return in a day 
or two. He therefore invited me to stay with him at 
Pisania, until the doctor's return. I accepted the in- 
vitation, and being accompanied by my friend Karfa, 
reached Pisania about ten o'clock. Mr Ainsley's schooner 
was lying at anchor before the place. This was the most 



ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND FROM AFRICA. 



75 



surprising object which Karfa had yet seen. He could 
not easily comprehend the use of the masts, sails, and 
rigging, nor did he conceive that it was possible, by any 
sort of contrivance, to make so large a body move for- 
wards by the common force of the wind. The manner 
of fastening together the different planks which com- 
posed the vessel, and filling up the seams so as to ex- 
clude the water, was perfectly new to him ; and I found 
that the schooner, with her cable and anchor, kept 
Karfa in deep meditation the greater part of the day. 

About noon on the 12th, Dr Laidley returned from 
Doomasansa, and received me with great joy and satis- 
faction, as one risen from the dead. Finding that the 
wearing apparel which I had left under his care was 
not sold or sent to England, I lost no time in resuming 
the English dress, and disrobing my chin of its vene- 
rable encumbrance. Karfa surveyed me in my Bri- 
tish apparel with great delight, but regretted exceedingly 
that I had taken off my beard, the loss of which, he 
said, had converted me from a man into a boy. Doctor 
Laidley readily undertook to discharge all the pecuniary 
engagements which I had entered into since my depar- 
ture from the Gambia, and took my draft upon the 
Association for the amount. My agreement with Karfa 
(as I have already related) was to pay him the value 
of one prime slave, for which I had given him my bill 
upon Dr Laidley before we departed from Kamalia ; 
for in case of my death on the road, I was unwilling 
that my benefactor should be a loser. But this good 
creature had continued to manifest towards me so much 
kindness, that 1 thought I made him but an inadequate 
recompense, when I told him that he was now to receive 
double the sum I had originally promised ; and Dr 
Laidley assured him that he was ready to deliver the 
goods to that amount, whenever he thought proper to 
send for them. Karfa was overpowered by this unex- 
pected token of my gratitude, and still more so, when 
he heard that I intended to send a handsome present 
to the good old schoolmaster, Fankooma, at Malacotta. 
He promised to carry up the goods along with his own ; 
and Dr Laidley assured him, that he would exert him- 
self in assisting him to dispose of his slaves to the best 
advantage, the moment a slave vessel should arrive. 
These, and other instances of attention and kindness 
shown him by Dr Laidley, were not lost upon Karfa. 
He would often say to me, " My journey has indeed 
been prosperous !" But observing the improved state 
of our manufactures, and our manifest superiority in 
the arts of civilised life, he would sometimes appear 
pensive, and exclaim with an involuntary sigh, Fatofing 
inta feng ! (" Black men are nothing !") At other times 
he would ask me with great seriousness, what could 
possibly have induced me, who was no trader, to think 
of exploring so miserable a country as Africa ? He 
meant by this to signify that, after what I must have 
witnessed in my own country, nothing in Africa could 
in his opinion deserve a moment's attention. I have 
preserved these little traits of character in this worthy 
negro, not only from regard to the man, but also be- 
cause they appear to me to demonstrate that he pos- 
sessed a mind above his condition: and to such of my 
readers as love to contemplate human nature in all its 
varieties, and to trace its progress from rudeness to re- 
finement, I hope the account I have given of this poor 
African will not be unacceptable. 

No European vessel had arrived at Gambia for many 
months previous to my return from the interior ; and as 
the rainy season was now setting in, I persuaded Karfa 
to return to his people at Jindey. He parted with me 
on the 1 4th with great tenderness ; but as I had little 
hopes of being able to quit Africa for the .remainder of 
the year, I told him, as the fact was, that I expected 
to see him again before my departure. In this, how- 
ever, I was luckily disappointed, and my narrative now 
hastens to its conclusion ; for on the 15th, the ship 
Charlestown, an American vessel, commanded by Mr 
Charles Harris, entered the river. She came for 
slaves, intending to touch at Goree to fill up, and to 
proceed from thence to South Carolina. As the Euro- 
pean merchants on the Gambia had at this time a great | 



many slaves on hand, they agreed with the captain to 
purchase the whole of his cargo, consisting chiefly of 
rum and tobacco, and deliver him slaves to the amount, 
in the course of two days. This afforded me such an 
opportunity of returning, though by a circuitous route, 
to my native country, as I thought was not to be ne- 
glected. I therefore immediately engaged my passage 
in this vessel for America ; and having taken leave of 
Dr Laidley, to whose kindness I was so largely indebt- 
ed, and my other friends on the river, I embarked at 
Kayee on the 17th day of June. 

Our passage down the river was tedious and fatigu- 
ing ; and the weather was so hot, moist, and unhealthy, 
that before our arrival at Goree, four of the seamen, 
the surgeon, and three of the slaves, had died of fevers. 
At Goree we were detained for want of provisions, 
until the beginning of October. 

The number of slaves received on board this vessel, 
both on the Gambia and at Goree, was one hundred 
and thirty ; of whom about twenty-five had been, I sup- 
pose, of free condition in Africa, as most of those, being 
bushreens, could write a little Arabic. Nine of them 
had become captives in the religious war between Ab- 
dulkader and Darnel, mentioned in the latter part of 
the preceding chapter. Two of the others had seen 
me as I passed through Bondou, and many of them had 
heard of me in the interior countries. My conversa- 
tion with them, in their native language, gave them 
great comfort ; and as the surgeon was dead, I consented 
to act in a medical capacity in his room for the remainder 
of the voyage. They had in truth need of every con- 
solation in my power to bestow ; not that I observed 
any wanton acts of cruelty practised either by the mas- 
ter or the seamen towards them, but the mode of con- 
fining and securing negroes in the American slave ships 
(owing chiefly to the weakness of their crews) being 
abundantly more rigid and severe than in British 
vessels employed in the same traffic, made these poor 
creatures to suffer greatly, and a general sickness pre- 
vailed amongst them. Besides the three who died on 
the Gambia, and six or eight while we remained at 
Goree, eleven perished at sea, and many of the sur- 
vivors were reduced to a very weak and emaciated 
condition. 

In the midst of these distresses, the vessel, after 
having been three weeks at sea, became so extremely 
leaky as to require constant exertion at the pumps. It 
was found necessary, therefore, to take some of the 
ablest of the negro men out of irons, and employ them 
in this labour, in which they were often worked beyond 
their strength. This produced a complication of mise- 
ries not easily to be described. We were, however, 
relieved much sooner than I expected ; for the leak 
continuing to gain upon us, notwithstanding our utmost 
exertions to clear the vessel, the seamen insisted on 
bearing away for the West Indies, as affording the 
only chance of saving our lives. Accordingly, after 
some objections on the part of the master, we directed 
our course for Antigua, and fortunately made that 
island in about thirty-five days after our departure 
from Goree. Yet even at this juncture we narrowly 
escaped destruction ; for on approaching the noi'th- 
west side of the island, we struck on the Diamond 
Rock, and got into St John's harbour with great diffi- 
culty. The vessel was afterwards condemned as unfit 
for sea, and the slaves, as I have heard, were ordered 
to be sold for the benefit of the owners. 

At this island I remained ten days, when the Ches- 
terfield Packet, homeward bound from the Leeward 
Islands, touching at St John's for the Antigua mail, I 
took my passage in that vessel. We sailed on the 24th 
of November, and, after a short but tempestuous voy- 
age, arrived at Falmouth on the 22d of December, 
from whence I immediately set out for London ; having 
been absent from England two years and seven months. 

[Here terminates the account of Mr Park's first 
travels in Africa, as written by himself, and we con- 
tinue the narrative of his life and second expedition as 
follows.] 



76 



RESIDENCE IN BRITAIN AFTER HIS RETURN. 



RESIDENCE IN BRITAIN FROM 1797 TILL 1805. 

Daylight had scarcely dawned on the morning of Christ- 
mas day 1797, when Mungo Park arrived in London 
from Falmouth. Unwilling to disturb the family of 
his brother-in-law, Mr Dickson, at so early an hour, 
the traveller, in order to while away a little time, stept 
into the gardens of the British Museum, one of the 
entrances to which was accidentally open. While saun- 
tering about the walks, Park was seen by Mr Dickson, 
who had the charge of these gardens, and who had 
visited them early that morning for some casual pur- 
pose. It may well be imagined that the relative of 
the long unheard-of wanderer doubted at first whether 
the object which met his gaze was a vision or a reality. 
These doubts were, of course, speedily dispelled, and 
a joyful recognition ensued. Ere long, Park had the 
pleasure of receiving a rapturous welcome from all 
his friends then resident in London, and assurances of 
the welfare of those at a distance. 

The African Association hailed Park's arrival with 
the liveliest satisfaction ; the more so, it may be be- 
lieved, as they had been so often disappointed by the 
unhappy results of former missions. Nor was the ac- 
tual value of the information brought by Park, and of 
the discoveries made by him, disproportioned to the 
interest which his return excited. His journey set at 
rest, once and for ever, the question of the Niger's 
existence, and though the mystery remained in part 
unexplained, a great step had been made towards its 
ultimate and complete solution. As soon as the extent 
and importance of his labours became known, the pub- 
lic in general hailed the return of the traveller not less 
warmly than the Association had done, and the publi- 
cation of a narrative of his wanderings was looked for- 
ward to with the utmost impatience. The Association 
liberally gave Park permission to publish his papers 
exclusively for his own benefit ; but in order to gratify 
in some measure the curiosity which prevailed, the Se- 
cretary of the society, Mr Bryan Edwards, was em- 
ployed to draw up an abstract or summary of the 
journey from the traveller's minutes. This abridge- 
ment was ably executed, and formed the groundwork 
of the detailed narrative drawn up and published by 
the traveller himself.* 

Park remained in London, busily engaged with the 
preparation of this work, up till the month of June 1798. 
He then went to Scotland, and visited his mother, who 
still resided at Fowlshiels, and his other relations in 
that country. With them he spent the whole of the 
ensuing summer and autumn, still unremittingly em- 
ployed upon the narrative of his journey. In the 
winter of the same year, he returned to London to su- 
perintend the progress of the work through the press. 
It appeared before the public in the spring of 1799, 
and met with an enthusiastic reception. This was in 
no slight degree owing, doubtless, to the novelty and 
interest of the information it contained, but much also 
of the success may be justly ascribed to the manly sim- 
plicity and clearness of its style, and to that straight- 
forward truthfulness which breathes out, in a way that 
cannot be mistaken, from every line. Two impressions 
of the work were rapidly sold off, and other editions 
followed at intervals. It is to this hour one of the 
most popular of British books. Of its merits, how- 
ever, the reader is now qualified to judge for himself. 

Only in one point did Park's Travels prove dis- 
tasteful to any portion of the British public ; and as the 
matter has been the subject of frequent remark, and 
to a certain extent affects the traveller's good name, it 
may be briefly alluded to, before proceeding with the 
farther details of his career. In some passages of his 
work, Park was held as discountenancing the abolition 
of the negro slave trade ; and as this question strongly 
agitated, and in some measure divided, the public mind 
at that period, his opinions on this subject were natu- 

* It is proper to remark here, that the report which attributed 
to Air Bryan Edwards the compilation, not only of the abstract, 
but also of the larger work, appears to have been totally without 
foundation. Park publicly contradicted the rumour. 



rally seized upon and repeated by the party to whose 
cause they seemed favourable. But, on the other hand, 
Park's nearest relatives and most intimate friends have 
left it on record, that he uniformly expressed the 
strongest abhorrence of slavery and the slave trade, 
whenever these subjects occurred in conversation. It 
may therefore be inferred — and, indeed, we have his 
own authority for inferring — that more stress has been 
laid on the passages in question than the writer either 
meant or anticipated. The strongest expression rela- 
tive to slavery in the work only bears, that the zealous 
abolitionists were too sanguine in their expectations of 
immediate benefit from the discontinuance of the com- 
merce. Time has fully verified this opinion, and it is 
probable that Park put his sentiments purposely into 
this qualified form. Not feeling himself called upon to 
discuss the slave question, he might wish, in his few 
incidental remarks upon the subject, to give offence to 
neither party, in as far, at least, as this could be done 
without violating his own conscience. When we con- 
sider that some of his kindest patrons of the Associa- 
tion, and particularly Mr Bryan Edwards, the one to 
whom he owed most, were decided and noted anti-abo- 
litionists, we can scarcely blame Park for being desirous 
of preserving this neutral position. The utterance of 
a sentence or two, which may be almost regarded as 
truisms, was all the sacrifice he made in order to pre- 
serve it, if w T e interpret his language rightly. 

After the publication of his travels, which brought 
him a considerable sum (in addition to the liberal re- 
muneration made to him by the Association), Park re- 
turned to Scotland, and, in the month of August 1799, 
was united in marriage to the eldest daughter of Mr 
Anderson of Selkirk, the gentleman with whom he had 
served his apprenticeship. This union proved an ex- 
tremely happy one. For about two years after it took 
place, Park resided at Fowlshiels with his mother and 
one of his brothers, who then managed the farm. What 
were the traveller's views and avocations at this pe- 
riod, does not very clearly appear. He had some com- 
munications with government during the year 1799, 
respecting an appointment in New South Wales, but 
no engagement was entered into. At another time he 
seems to have entertained some thoughts of settling in 
a farm. But, ultimately, he resolved upon devoting 
himself to the practice of his profession ; and with this 
view removed, in the latter end of 1800, to the neigh- 
bouring town of Peebles, where something like a va- 
cancy then occurred in the medical department. 

Park's reputation as a traveller, conjoined with his 
professional ability, and the many virtues of his charac- 
ter, speedily acquired for him a fair share of the busi- 
ness of the place and its neighbourhood. Having a 
wide circle of country for his beat, however, and that 
in many parts of a rude and mountainous description, 
the toils to which he was subjected were extremely 
arduous and severe, in proportion to the recompense 
accruing from them. But the society which the vici- 
nity of Peebles then afforded, in some measure sweet- 
ened and compensated the hardships which he had to 
undergo. The celebrated Dr Adam Ferguson (father 
of the present Sir Adam), author of a History of the 
Roman Republic, and formerly Professor of Moral 
Philosophy in the Edinburgh University, was resident 
at that period within a few miles from the town, in the 
small country-house of Hallyards, and from him, as 
well as from Dugald Stewart, and other distinguished 
persons who were in the habit of visiting the philoso- 
pher's retreat, Park received the most gratifying at- 
tentions. The gentry of the district, also, to their credit, 
showed themselves generally sensible of the merits of 
him whom fortune had thrown within their circle in 
the comparatively humble, though respectable, capacity 
of a country surgeon. He was a welcome guest at 
their tables, and not infrequently met there persons of 
eminence, who were capable of appreciating and enjoy- 
ing his society. 

Those, however, who have once tested their powers 
on the short, steep, and dangerous path to fame and 
fortune, can seldom afterwards submit to travel along 



PRACTISES AS A SURGEON AT PEEBLES. 



77 



the broad and winding highway, by which the multi- 
tude, slowly but surely, attain to similar ends. Mungo 
Park was no exception to this rule. His mind's eye 
had been fixed on lofty and noble objects, and he never 
was able to circumscribe the range of its vision, or 
confine it to things within his new and narrowed 
sphere. His professional duties in Peebles seemed from 
the first to be irksome to him — not because of their 
laboriousness, but because the want of those high mo- 
tives to action, under the influence of which he had 
formerly toiled unweariedly and undauntedly, preyed 
on his mind, and weighed down his energies. Those 
who knew him most intimately at this period of his life, 
describe him as having always the appearance of brood- 
ing over some secret confined to his own breast. In 
part, no doubt, this meditative look arose simply from 
the quiet reserve which was a marked feature in his 
character, but it may be also, in no inconsiderable 
degree, ascribed to the cause already noticed. Within 
the circle of his own family, indeed, and in the society 
of his intimate friends, Park lost much of that retiring- 
ness which hung about him on ordinary occasions, 
and became a pleasant and communicative companion. 
At such times he was not averse to talk of his past 
perils, and of his hopes for the future — a subject which 
his almost feminine modesty rendered him usually 
extremely shy of entering upon. Amongst the county 
yeomanry, too — in which corps he enrolled himself, and 
the members of which were of the very class to which 
he himself belonged, by birth and early habitudes — 
Park appeared in his most agreeable phase. A patrio- 
tic song has been preserved, which he wrote for, and 
sung at, one of the social meetings of this body. It is 
said to have been received with the greatest enthusi- 
asm ; a reception owing, undoubtedly, more to the mili- 
tary spirit predominant at the time, than to any peculiar 
merit which the composition possessed. Among the 
few acquaintances with whom he associated in Peebles 
was Mr James Chambers, a respectable citizen in the 
place, and father of the publishers of the present work. 
Mr Chambers happened at the time to possess a pretty 
large telescope, and with this instrument he and Park 
spent many agreeable hours in making astronomical 
observations. 

It was chiefly, however, in botanical studies that 
Park was most interested, and these he prosecuted at 
Peebles, in the hope, it is understood, of succeeding 
Dr Rutherford in the chair of botany in Edinburgh, 
through the influence of Sir Joseph Banks, with whom 
he continued occasionally to correspond. Perhaps 
even this held but a secondary place in his mind. 
The Great River of Africa, with which his name was 
already inseparably connected, occupied the first place, 
and, after a residence of three years in Peebles, the 
prospect opened up to him of completing what he had 
begun, and of entirely dispelling the cloud in which the 
Niger yet remained partially enveloped. In the autumn 
of 1803, he received a summons from the Colonial Office, 
desiring his attendance in London without delay. He 
immediately obeyed the order, and, on his arrival in 
the metropolis, waited on the Colonial Secretary, Lord 
Hobart, who informed him of the intention of govern- 
ment to fit out an expedition to Africa, and of their 
wish that he should take the principal part in it. Park 
heard the proposition with delight, but requested a 
short space to consult his family and friends. He again 
came to Scotland with this apparent purpose in view ; 
but his visit was, in reality, one of leave-taking, for his 
mind was already made up. His acceptance of the offer 
was speedily announced ; and after settling his affairs, 
and bidding farewell to his friends, he accordingly re- 
turned, in December of the same year, to London, 
hoping that all would soon be in readiness for his em- 
barkation. He was disappointed in this point, however : 
in consequence of important political changes, his de- 
parture, which was first fixed for February 1804, was 
postponed till September following. This delay was 
most annoying to Park, but the interval of leisure oc- 
casioned by it was not spent by him idly or unprotit- 
ably. The government having promised to defray all 



reasonable expenses which he might incur in such pre- 
parations, he engaged a person to instruct him in the 
Arabic tongue, and also devoted himself to the improve- 
ment of his astronomical knowledge. Finding that he 
could pursue these studies as well beside his own family 
as in London, he went to Peebles in March, and passed 
the remainder of his allotted stay in Britain partly 
there, and partly at the farm of Fowlshiels in Selkirk- 
shire. 

Sidi Omback Boubi, Park's Arabic teacher, went in 
company with his temporary pupil to Scotland. This 
person was a native of Mogadore in Morocco, who had 
been for some time resident in London, and had filled 
the office of interpreter to Elphi Bey, ambassador from 
the Mamelukes of Cairo. Sidi Omback, or Omback the 
Moor, as he was familiarly termed, was a considerable 
marvel in his way to the people of Peebles. He was a 
staunch Mussulman, and punctual in his observance of 
all the forms inculcated by his religion. He went be- 
fore sunrise to the market or shambles in person, and 
killed with his own hands whatever meat was intended 
for his own use. His mode of killing was by cutting 
off the animal's head, after he had turned its face to- 
wards the east, and said a short prayer. So particular 
was he in this point, that on being asked to dine at any 
person's table, he either confined himself to a vegetable 
diet, or had animal food, killed by himself, conveyed 
to the house of his entertainer. One who knew him 
well informs us of seeing Omback killing a fowl in form 
one morning, for the purpose of sending it to the kit- 
chen of a gentleman with whom he was that day invited 
to dine. The Moor had other prejudices besides his 
religious ones. He would drink no wine or spirits, and 
had a firm reliance on dreams. It is remarkable, 
that he once expressed to Park his conviction that his 
mother was dead, because he had so dreamt; and, 
shortly after, information of her death actually reached 
him. He had a deadly aversion to paintings ; and, on 
one occasion, had well nigh stabbed a young man whom 
he caught in the act of taking a sketch of him. In other 
respects, Sidi was a sensible, intelligent man, spoke 
English tolerably well, and conversed freely with all 
who showed a disposition to cultivate his acquaintance. 

Such was the person whom Park brought with him 
to Scotland, as his instructor in the Arabic tongue, and 
of whom many floating and not unfavourable recollec- 
tions still exist in the south of Scotland. One circum- 
stance dwells with particular force on the minds of all 
those who remember Omback. He was heard again 
and again to express his conviction, that if Park went 
a second time to Africa, he would never more return ! 
The traveller would fain have had the Moor to go out 
with him, but Omback never would consent, though a 
strong mutual regard existed between him and Park. 

After leaving Peebles, and taking up his abode at 
Fowlshiels with his family, which he did in May 1804, 
Park enjoyed much of the society of Walter Scott, who 
was then resident at Ashiesteel, and whose star was 
then only rising above the horizon. A warm friendship 
existed between these two eminent men, and it was to 
Scott* that Park avowed his deliberate preference of a 
life of wandering in Africa to the occupation of a coun- 
try practitioner in the wilds of Tweeddale. One strong 
bond between Park and Scott was their common love 
for the old and romantic minstrelsies of their own native 
regions. The last interview which the friends enjoyed, 
occurred immediately before the traveller's departure, 
when the latter paid a farewell visit to Ashiesteel. 
Scott accompanied his visitor for a considerable way 
on the road home to Fowlshiels, and, as they rode to- 
gether, Park's horse chanced to stumble. " Ah ! Mungo," 
the imaginative poet could not help saying, " I am afraid 
that is a bad omen." " Freits follow them that frcits 
follow," was the reply of the ardent traveller, as he 
rode away without a formal adieu. These were the 
last words which Scott heard from his friend's lips, 
and, for the benefit of English readers, it may he ex- 
plained that their meaning is, " Evil omens will follow 
those only who heed them." 

Early in September, I'ark received a final summons 



78 



SETS OUT ON SECOND EXPEDITION. 



to present himself at the Colonial Office. He accord- 
ingly took a last farewell of his relations and friends, 
and proceeded to London. Hitherto the government 
had exhibited a degree of indecision on the subject of the 
new African mission, even while Park, with their con- 
currence, was making his preparations for the journey ; 
but now the expedition seemed to be fully determined 
on, and the manner of carrying it into execution was 
the only point that remained to be settled. At the re- 
quest of Lord Camden, who had succeeded Lord Hobart 
in the Colonial Office, Park drew up a brief exposition 
of his views regarding the proper mode of conducting 
the enterprise. This memorial was dated 4th October 
1804, and contained an account — firstly, of the ob- 
jects to which Park's attention would be chiefly directed 
in his journey to the African interior — secondly, of the 
means necessary for accomplishing that journey — and, 
thirdly, of the manner in which he proposed to carry 
the plans of government into execution. Regarding 
the first of these points, Park stated, that the extension 
of British commerce, and the enlargement of our geo- 
graphical knowledge, would be the principal objects of 
his attention, and that he would labour to promote 
them, by acquiring an accurate knowledge of the route 
by which merchandise could be most easily transported 
to and from the Niger, by examining into the nature 
and value of the articles which the interior of the Af- 
rican continent produced, and by ascertaining, if pos- 
sible, the termination of the Niger, and the site and 
character of the towns and countries on its banks. As 
to the means necessary for accomplishing the journey, 
Park proposed that his party should consist of thirty 
European soldiers, six European carpenters, and fifteen 
or twenty Goree negroes, besides fifty asses and six 
horses or mules (to be purchased at the Cape Verd 
Islands). He further wished each man of his company 
to have a gun and a pair of pistols, with a certain 
quantity of suitable clothing. To this Park added a 
list of other articles necessary for the expedition, con- 
sisting of sacking bags, saddles, and other articles for 
equipping the asses — of carpenters' tools, cordage, &c, 
for building two boats of forty feet length on the Niger 
■ — and of varieties of coloured cloths, amber, coral, gold, 
and glass beads, guns, pistols, and swords, mirrors, 
knives, scissors, and other articles, necessary either for 
purchasing food from the natives, or for conciliating 
their favour. Respecting the manner of carrying the 
plans of government into execution, Park stated, that 
after completing his equipment at St Jago and Goree, 
he would proceed up the Gambia, cross the country to 
the Niger, and travel down that river to its termination. 
If it ended (as was supposed by Major Rennel) in an 
inland lake in the kingdom of Wangara, Park proposed 
to take the shortest way with his party to the coast, 
and return to England. At the close of the memorial, 
however, the writer strongly expressed his opinion, 
that the Congo (a large river which enters the Atlantic 
more than two hundred miles to the south of the equa- 
tor) would be found to be the continuation and close of 
the Niger. 

After this paper was presented to Lord Camden, 
four months elapsed ere Park's departure took place, 
and during this interval some of his friends, and par- 
ticularly Major Rennel, continued to dissuade him from 
the enterprise. The impression made by these coun- 
sels was very slight, and, in the beginning of January, 
a letter from Lord Camden, announcing decisively 
the intentions of government, set the question in a 
measure at rest. In this letter, the Colonial Secretary 
informed Park, that the king had granted to him the 
commission of brevet-captain in Africa, and had be- 
stowed a similar commission of lieutenant on Mr Alex- 
ander Anderson, the traveller's brother-in-law. Mr 
George Scott, another of Park's friends, was appointed 
draughtsman to the party. Lord Camden further as- 
sented to the demands made in the memorial, and ap- 
proved of its objects. In conclusion, his Lordship 
empowered the traveller to draw upon the treasury, or 
upon any banking-house in London, for any sum not 
exceeding £5000. Government also bound itself to 



pay the sum of £4000 to Mrs Park, in the event of her 
husband's death, or of his not being heard of within a 
specified time. 



NARRATIVE OF SECOND TRAVELS IN 
AFRICA. 

All the requisite preparations for the enterprise were 
completed before the end of January, and on the 30th 
of that month 1805, Park set sail from Portsmouth, 
in the Crescent transport, talcing on board with him 
from the dockyards of that place four or five artificers, 
besides his two friends, Mr Anderson and Mr Scott, 
whose appointments, of course, took place by his desire. 
The remainder of the party was to be supplied by the 
British garrison of Goree. After a stormy passage, 
the Crescent reached St Jago, one of the Cape Verd 
Islands, where the cattle and a store of provisions were 
to be bought. From this place, Park transmitted a let- 
ter, dated the 1 3th of March, to Mr Dickson, announcing 
the welfare of the party, and the purchase of forty- 
four asses, &c. From St Jago the transport sailed on 
the 21st, and on the seventh day following anchored in 
Goree Roads, near the mouth of the Gambia. When 
Park's purposes were made known here, almost every 
man of the garrison volunteered his services for the ex- 
pedition. The traveller selected thirty-five able-bodied 
men, and also accepted the offered services of one offi- 
cer, Lieutenant Martyn, thinking it of consequence to 
have in the party some one already acquainted with the 
soldiers. Two experienced seamen, from the Squirrel 
frigate, were added to the party, with the view of bene- 
fiting by their valuable assistance in sailing down the 
Niger. Park communicated these arrangements by let- 
ter to the Colonial department, and he thus describes 
his departure from Goree: — " On the morning of the. 
6th of April we embarked the soldiers, in number thirty- 
five men. They jumped into the boat in the highest 
spirits, and bade adieu to Goree with repeated huzzas. 
I believe that every man in the garrison would have 
embarked with great cheerfulness ; but no inducement 
could prevail on a single negro to accompany me." 
Strangely ominous of danger was such a refusal, from 
those who best knew the nature of the task to be accom- 
plished ; but the ardent spirit of the traveller saw no- 
thing but hope in the prospect before him, and ho 
assures his wife, in a letter from Goree, that "he had 
as yet experienced nothing but success." 

On the 9th of April, the transport reached Jillifree 
on the Gambia, and in a few days afterwards continued 
its voyage up the river to Kayee. From this town he 
sent several letters to his friends, one of which, addressed 
to his father-in-law, Mr Anderson, surgeon, Selkirk, 
is well worthy of being quoted in full, from the beauty 
of the sentiments expressed in it.* 

"Kayee, River Gambia, April 26, 1805. 
That I have not wrote you sooner, you may be sure 
was not from want of attention, but from want of time, 
and because I knew that you must have received every 
information respecting our procedure from Alexander. 
I know that you will rejoice to hear that we both of us 
keep our health, and that the kind hand of Providence 
has thus far made our journey prosperous. We set off 
to-morrow morning for the interior, with the most flat- 
tering prospect of finishing our expedition in the course 
of six months, with honour to ourselves and benefit to 
mankind. I need not tell you how solicitous I am about 
the welfare of my dear Allie and children. Though I 
have no hopes of hearing from her till my return to 
England, yet I will indulge the hope that all is well. In 
case it should please the Almighty to take me to him- 
self, I have thought it necessary to give a statement of 
my money matters in the enclosed letter, that my dear 
wife and children may reap the reward of my industry. 
I did not do this from any thing like second-sight, but 
merely to guard against a possible occurrence. I am 

* This letter was published for the first time in No. 74 of Cham- 
bers's Journal. 



TROUBLES ON THE JOURNEY. 



79 



far from being in the least down-hearted : indeed, I have 
bo much to attend to that I have but little time to my- 
self. I receive great benefit from Alexander, who is as 
systematic, cautious, and careful as ever. I sometimes 
think he has forgot his old maxim, ' Take it easy.* I 
can easily imagine how little Ibi [Elizabeth, his infant 
daughter] will be stotting about the house and garden. 
Tell her, if she can say her questions [the catechism] 
well, I will bring her two new frocks. My compliments 
to Mrs Anderson, George, Thomas, and Bell. I sup- 
pose Andrew will be in the army by this time. When 
we return to the coast, if we are lucky enough to find a 
vessel coming directly to England, I think we may be 
in England by the month of December, but if we have 
to go round by the West Indies, it will take us two 
months longer. — With best wishes for your health and 
prosperity, I am your affectionate friend, 

Mungo Park." 

Never, perhaps, were domestic affections so warm 
conjoined in any one breast with so ardent a love of 
wandering and enterprise ! 

In a letter to Mr Dickson, of the same date with the 
preceding, Park thus expresses the buoyant hopes which 
filled his mind : — " Every thing at present looks as fa- 
vourable as I could wish, and if all things go well, this 
day six weeks I expect to drink all your healths in the 
water of the Niger. * * * If once we are fairly afloat 
[upon the Niger], the day is won." At the time of re- 
cording these sentiments, the traveller was far from 
being unaware that there lay before him a prospect of 
peculiar difficulty and danger. By delays, for which he 
was not responsible, he was necessitated to enter upon 
his route into the interior, at a season of the year when 
travelling becomes extremely difficult, from the heats, 
hurricanes, and rains incidental to the climate. The 
period, indeed, for these tropical casualties was not yet 
arrived, but it was close at hand. Park foresaw clearly 
the chance of having to combat these disadvantages, 
but he flattered himself with the hope of reaching the 
Niger before the tempestuous season set in. At Kayee 
he was able, for the first time, to perfect his prepara- 
tions for the route, by attaching a few of the natives to 
his party. Isaaco, a Mandingo priest and merchant, 
and one well inured to long inland journeys, engaged 
himself to act as guide to the expedition, and to give it 
the assistance of several negroes, his own personal at- 
tendants. On the 27th of April, with this addition to 
his company, Park left Kayee, and commenced his land 
journey, under a salute from the Crescent, which had 
thus far escorted the party up the Gambia. On the 
evening of the 28th they reached Pisania, after a march 
rendered extremely fatiguing by the heat, and by the 
difficulty of getting the asses to advance. At Pisania, 
Park was again entertained by Mr Ainsley, the kind 
friend to whom he owed so much on his former journey. 
The party did not leave this place till the 4th of May, 
when they set out in the following order : — The asses, 
loaded with the baggage, and marked with red paint to 
prevent their being stolen, were divided among the 
soldiers, a certain number to each of the six messes into 
which the men were arranged. Mr Scott went with 
the front party, Lieutenant Martyn in the centre, and 
Park and Mr Anderson took charge of the rear. For 
several days the party travelled nearly in this order, 
in a parallel line with the Gambia — the line which their 
leader had formerly traversed alone. They had tents 
which they pitched and slept in by night. On the 1 1th 
of May they reached Medina, the capital of Woolli, 
where the king exacted a heavy cess of amber and coral 
bars, for himself and his relatives, and great men. On 
the 20th of May, Park had pursued his journey as far 
as a town called Tambico, where the guide Isaaco was 
robbed of his arms, cruelly flogged, and detained. He 
had been sent to remonstrate against the seizure of his 
own horse by some of the natives, as a boy was water- 
ing it at a well. It was with considerable difficulty, 
and only after the payment of some articles of value, 
that the guide could be released, and the journey con- 
tinued. On the 26th, when the party had come up to a 
place called Bee Creek, a curious accident befel them. 



Some of Isaaco's people, being in search of honey, dis- 
turbed a large swarm of bees, which attacked the men 
and beasts of the company with such violence as to 
send them flying in every direction for safety. The 
severity of this assault may be conceived from the fact, 
that six asses and one horse were lost on the occasion-— 
two, if not three, of the asses being literally stung to 
death, and the other animals being never recovered 
after their dispersion. Many of the people were seri- 
ously stung about the face and hands. 

Continuing his route at no great distance from the 
Gambia, Park was subjected to rather heavy impositions 
by the chiefs of Badoo and Jillifinda, at which latter 
place the party arrived on the 1st of June. Their route 
now lay straight east, leaving the neighbourhood of the 
Gambia. The weather at this time began to be broken, 
and the men to suffer accordingly. On the 8th of June, 
one of the party, a carpenter, died of dysentery. On 
the 10th, while they were at a place called Shrondo, 
several very heavy tornadoes occurred, and the ground 
was covered with water about three inches deep. This 
tempest had an instant effect on the health of the sol- 
diers, and proved, says Park, to be the beginning of 
sorrow. On the following day twelve of the soldiers 
were ill with a dysenteric affection, the same by which 
the carpenter had been cut off. Park visited the gold 
mines of Shrondo, and saw a female go through the ope- 
ration of washing the gravel in which the gold grains are 
found. This gravel was taken out of pits dug in a mea- 
dow, and washed in small basins (calabashes) by pounds 
or so at a time. The woman referred to extracted no 
less than twenty-three particles of gold (about a grain 
weight each) from about two pounds of gravel, in a few 
minutes. Pieces of gold as large as a fist, she informed 
the traveller, were occasionally found. Other spots 
around are not less rich in gold than this, and altogether 
a great quantity of the metal is procured from the dis- 
trict annually. 

From this period the troubles of Park increased 
rapidly. Fever, as well as dysentery, spread among the 
men, and the leader of the party suffered from it also, 
though not so severely as Lieutenant Martyn and some 
of the others. Before the end of June, the numbers of the 
company had thinned lamentably. Several of the sol- 
diers had been left behind at their own request, under 
the charge of the natives, being totally unable to pro- 
ceed. Park did all he could for them under the cir- 
cumstances, by paying persons to show them every 
necessary care and attention, but none of them ever 
recovered. Others of the men strayed from their com- 
panions, and were never again heard of. The majority 
of the rest of the party, at the same time, continued for 
the most part so ill, that they could scarcely be kept 
on the backs of the asses by all the exertions of their 
more healthy friends. Several of the sick begged again 
and again to be left by the wayside to die. But not 
even then could a peaceful death have been hoped for, 
for wolves and lions prowled around the party by night 
and by day. On the night of the 2d of July, the asses 
were attacked at midnight by several young lions, and 
one of these animals passed so near one of the sentries 
that he cut at it with his sword. 

On the 4th of July, the guide Isaaco made a narrow 
escape from a crocodile in passing a river called the 
Wonda, one of the feeders of the Senegal. Isaaco was 
engaged in driving some of the asses through the stream, 
when the crocodile rose close to him, and, seizing him 
by the left thigh, pulled him under water. With won- 
derful presence of mind, he thrust his finger into the 
monster's eye, on which it quitted its hold, and Isaaco 
made for the bank, crying for a knife ; but the croco- 
dile followed, and again seized him by the other thigh, 
when Isaaco had recourse to the same expedient, and 
thrust his fingers into both eyes with such violence 
that the creature was compelled a second time to let go 
its hold, after which it flounced about for a moment in 
stupid blindness, and then went down the river. Isaaco's 
wounds were so serious, however, as to compel Park to 
remain near the same spot for several days — a dclov 
which was not so much to be regretted, as on the (ith of 



80 



LOSS OF COMPANIONS. 



July every man of the party was unwell but one. Mr | 
Anderson and Mr Scott, on whom Park chiefly rested 
for counsel and assistance, had been very ill for several 
preceding days. The rains and storms continued to 
rage at intervals, and with increasing violence. 

On the 10th, the party resumed their march, and on 
the following evening reached a considerable town 
called Keminoom, a place remarkable only for the 
thieving spirit which pervades all classes in and around 
it. Thieving was universal on the route, but the thieves 
of Keminoom were worse than usual. It was with 
great difficulty, and only after suffering considerable 
losses both of baggage and cattle, besides the voluntary 
payment of a heavy toll, that Park could manage to 
proceed. At some distance from Keminoom, he was 
compelled with his own hand to fire at a fellow who 
stole a greatcoat from the back of one of the asses. 
The thief stopped, and called out in a piteous tone, 
" Do not kill me, white man ; I cannot run from you ; 
you have broke my leg." Park found this to be the 
case, and his kindness of heart led him to save the poor 
wretch from some attendant negroes, who would have 
had him shot on the spot. 

On the 19th, the party, thinned by the loss of one or 
two more men, and with sickness still pressing on the 
survivors, reached the banks of the Ba Woolima, 
another feeder of the Senegal, and a stream at this 
season twenty feet deep, being swelled by the rains. 
After much difficulty, the party got their baggage 
across this river, which was about sixty feet in width, 
by means of a bridge, constructed for the occasion by 
some negroes in a very ingenious way. The river was 
first sounded at different distances from the shore, and 
notches cut on a straight pole to show the depths. Two 
straight trees were then cut, and, after their tops were 
firmly tied together with slips of bark, one end was 
launched across the river, and fastened to the roots of 
trees on the opposite side. The same was done with 
the other end. A range of upright poles, cut correctly 
to the notches on the sounding pole, and with forks at 
their tops, was then planted across the river, and along 
the forks, which stood a foot above the water, were laid 
two other trees, tied together in the middle like the 
first. Another range of forks was placed a little farther 
up the stream, which likewise supported two trees fas- 
tened together as the above ; the whole was then com- 
pleted by laying sticks, for a roadway, across the trees 
supported on the forks. As the forked sticks which 
stood uppermost in the stream were slanted downwards, 
the pressure of the water maintained them firmly in their 
place, and the undermost range of forked sticks was 
supported against the two joined trees that were first 
laid across the water. On the 21st, the party were all 
safely over the Ba Woolima, and continued their route. 

The 30th was marked by the death of the last of the 
St Jago asses, the whole forty having either died or 
been abandoned on the road at different places. Park 
had been forced in consequence to buy or to hire new 
ones as he went along. The route was still continued 
by daily marches ; but before the 1 9th of August, more 
than three-fourths of the party of travellers had died, 
or had been left behind to die. Among the latter was 
Mr Scott, whom Park saw on the 16th for the last time. 
Whether or not the negroes used those well who fell 
behind, it is difficult to tell, but Park seldom gave up 
his exertions to re-unite them to his party, until he 
heard of their fate. Indeed, the personal toils which 
the leader of this ill-fated band voluntarily and cheer- 
fully underwent, for the sake of his poor companions, 
are almost beyond belief. His kindness to them, his un- 
wearied patience, his prudence, his encouraging hope- 
fulness — were such, perhaps, as man never evinced in 
the like circumstances. Poor Anderson was a little 
more fortunate than his friend Scott, for the former 
lived at least to see the great river which was one of 
the chief objects of their journey. After leaving a 
place called Toniba on the 19th of August, "coming" 
says Park, " to the brow of a hill, / once more saw the 
Niger rolling its immense stream along the plain !" 
Heavy as the cost was by which the sight had been 



purchased, the river was a pleasant spectacle to the 
party, as it promised an alleviation of their toils for 
the future. On the 22d (after a loss of several more 
men by the fever), Park embarked from Bammakoo 
on the Niger (or Joliba) in a canoe which he had pur- 
chased. On the 26th, he sent Isaaco forward to the 
large town of Sego, in order to make some presents to 
the king or chief, Mansong, and to obtain his permission 
to pass. Mansong sent six canoes to carry the party 
on to Sego. The king showed considerable kindness 
to them ; yet Park did not remain long at Sego, but 
moved down the river to a smaller town called San- 
sanding, where he resolved to wait for a canoe which 
Mansong promised to sell to him. In this canoe he 
proposed to move down the Niger to its termination. 
After much labour, he did get a vessel of the desired 
kind fitted up, and named it His Britannic Majesty's 
schooner, the Joliba. At Sansanding, on the 28th of 
October, Mr Anderson underwent the fate of so many 
of his companions, and, regarding his death, Park ob- 
serves — " No event that took place during the journey 
ever threw the smallest gloom over my mind, till I laid 
Mr Anderson in the grave. I then felt myself as if 
left, a second time lonely and friendless amidst the wilds 
of Africa." 

At this point, the authentic account of Mungo Park's 
second journey ends. Isaaco's engagement here ter- 
minated, and the papers given to him by the traveller, 
and carried back to the coast, constitute the only re- 
cords of the expedition which came from Park's own 
pen. These papers (the matter of which has been now 
abridged) were accompanied by several letters, the 
most interesting of which is one (dated Sansanding, 
November 17th) addressed to Lord Camden. In this 
letter Park says — " I am sorry to say, that of forty-four 
Europeans who left the Gambia in perfect health, five 
only are at present alive, namely, three soldiers (one 
deranged in his mind), Lieutenant Martyn, and myself. 
From this account I am afraid that your Lordship will 
be apt to consider matters as in a very hopeless state ; 
but I assure you I am far from despairing. With the 
assistance of one of the soldiers, I have changed a large 
canoe into a tolerably good schooner, on board of which 
I this day hoisted the British flag, and shall set sail to 
the east, with the fixed resolution to discover tJie termi- 
nation of the Niger, or perish in the attempt. I have 
heard nothing that I can depend on respecting the re- 
mote course of this mighty stream, but I am more and 
more inclined to think that it can end nowhere but in 
the sea. 

My dear friend Mr Anderson, and likewise Mr Scott, 
are both dead ; but though all the Europeans who are 
with me should die, and though I were myself half- 
dead, I would still persevere, and if I could not suc- 
ceed in the object of my journey, I would at last die on 
the Niger." 

A source of perpetual regret it must be to all who 
sympathise with what is noble and lofty in human 
doings, that the hopes of so dauntless a spirit as this 
should have been doomed to disappointment. His 
other letters from Sansanding (addressed to Sir Joseph 
Banks, to Mrs Park, and to his father-in-law) are 
written in the same hopeful and resolute tone. He con- 
cludes his communication to his wife in these words : — 
" I think it not unlikely but I shall be in England be- 
fore you receive this. You may be sure that I feel 
happy at turning my face towards home. We this 
morning have done with all intercourse with the natives, 
and the sails are now hoisting for our departure for the 
coast." 

But, alas ! these were the last tidings that were heard 
for a long time of the fate of his Majesty's schooner the 
Joliba, and of those whom she bore with her down the 
mysterious current of the Niger. In the following year 
(1806), unfavourable accounts were brought by the 
native traders from the interior of Africa to the British 
settlements on the coast, and rumours spread abroad 
that Park and his companions had perished. No au- 
thentic information, however, could be obtained on the 
subject ; and the British people, who felt a deep interest 



DEATH OF PARK— CHARACTER. 



81 



in the traveller's fate, were long, long reluctant to be- 
lieve in the report of his death. It was hoped that he 
and his friends were only retained in slavery. Four 
years passed away, and the same doubt hung over the 
matter. At length, in 1810, the British Governor of 
Senegal, Colonel Maxwell, with the concurrence of the 
home authorities, dispatched Park's former guide, 
Isaaco, to the interior, to ascertain the truth if possible. 
In the beginning of the year mentioned, Isaaco set out 
for the Niger, and, after an absence of twenty months, 
returned to the coast with a full confirmation of the 
reports concerning Park's death. Isaaco, who was a 
trustworthy and intelligent man, kept a journal of his 
proceedings for the satisfaction of his employers. No 
part of this journal relates to the missing travellers, but 
Isaaco was fortunate enough to procure another journal, 
written by the very native who had succeeded him at 
Sansanding as guide to the traveller. Isaaco relates 
that he met this native, whose name was Amadi Fa- 
touma, at Madina, a town a little farther down the Niger 
than Sansanding. Amadi Fatouma, when he first saw 
Isaaco, burst into tears, and said, " They are all dead !" 
Afterwards, at the request of the other, Amadi pro- 
duced a journal, written in Arabic, and containing an 
account of all he knew relative to the closing scenes of 
Park's career. The following are the leading facts in 
this document : — 

After sailing from Sansanding, with Park, Martyn, 
the other three surviving Europeans, and three negro 
assistants, besides the guide Amadi Fatouma, on board, 
the little schooner passed Jenne and Tombuctoo in 
safety, though not without daily attacks from the na- 
tives in canoes. Having laid in a good stock of provi- 
sions, the party had at first no occasion to go on shore. 
But the news apparently spread that white men were 
passing down the river, and canoes came to attack them 
in greater numbers. At one time the schooner had 
to beat off no less than sixty canoes. Nevertheless, the 
party made their way in safety to Yaour (or Yaourie), 
in the kingdom of Haoussa (or Houssa), where Amadi's 
engagement as guide terminated ; but, before separat- 
ing from the party, he went on shore and bought pro- 
visions for them, besides making some conciliatory pre- 
sents to the chief of Yaour. This same chief was also 
entrusted with some presents for the king of Yaour, 
who was not present. The chief put a question to Park 
through Amadi as to " the intention of the white men 
to return to that place." Park answered, " that he 
could not return any more ;" and this reply seems to 
have had a fatal effect, for it induced the treacherous 
chief to retain for his own use the presents intended 
for the king. Amadi witnessed the consequences so far 
as to put this beyond doubt. After separating from 
the party, and seeing the schooner continue her course, 
he spent the night on shore, and in the morning called 
to pay his respects to the king. On entering the royal 
residence, he found two messengers newly arrived there 
from the deceitful chief, with information that the 
white men had passed without making any presents 
to the king or to the chief himself, and that Amadi Fa- 
touma (of whose story the wily chief was afraid) was a 
bad man, and in league with the whites. Amadi was 
immediately thrown into irons ; and on the following 
morning the irritated king sent a large army to a place 
farther down the river, called Boussa. There is before 
Boussa a rock extending across the river, with only one 
opening in it, in the form of a door, for the water to 
pass through. The king's men took possession of the 
top of this rock, until Park came up to it and attempted 
to pass. The natives attacked him and his friends with 
lances, pikes, arrows, and other missiles. Park de- 
fended himself vigorously for a long time, but at last, 
after throwing every thing in the canoe overboard, 
being overpowered by numbers, and seeing no chance 
of getting the canoe past, he took hold of one of the 
white men, and jumped into the river ; Martyn did the 
same : and the whole were drowned in their attempt 
to escape by swimming. One black remained in the canoe 
(the other two being killed), and he cried for mercy. 
The canoe fell into the hands of the natives. Amadi 



Fatouma, on being freed from his irons, three months 
afterwards, ascertained these facts from the native who 
had survived the catastrophe. 

It is difficult to describe the impression which these 
statements of Amadi (contained in the journal brought 
to the coast by Isaaco) made on the minds of the Bri- 
tish public, when communicated in dispatches of Colonel 
Maxwell. A large portion of the public doubted the 
authenticity of the relation, and it must be confessed 
that some points of it were open to strong suspicion. 
The account given of the rocky pass in the river, in 
particular, seemed incompatible with all that was known 
of the Niger, of the character of its banks, and of the 
bulk of its waters. Twenty-one years from the period 
of Park's journey, and sixteen from the time of Isaaco's 
discoveries, passed away, ere satisfactory evidence was 
received in confirmation of Amadi Fatouma's account of 
the traveller's death, and the manner of his death. In 
1826, Captain Clapperton visited Boussa, and saw the 
very part of the river where the party perished. In 
1830, John and Richard Lander were at the same spot, 
and their description must convince every one of 
Amadi Fatouma's veracity. " On our arrival," say the 
Landers, " at this formidable place, we discovered a 
range of black rocks running directly across the stream, 
and the water, finding only one narrow passage, rushed 
through it with great impetuosity, overturning and car- 
rying away every thing in its course." If further evi- 
dence were required, the statements of the natives to 
Clapperton and the Landers, and the discovery by the 
latter travellers of a mantle, a gun, a book, and an in- 
vitation card, that had belonged to Park, put the truth 
of Amadi's narrative beyond doubt, as far as regards 
the scene and the manner of the ill-fated party's de- 
struction. There is every reason to believe that the 
guide's journal also stated correctly the persons to 
whom the catastrophe was owing. Clapperton, indeed, 
received a different version of this part of the story. 
He was informed that the sultan of Yaour had been 
the friend of the white men, and that the men of Boussa 
had been the destroyers of the party ; but the Landers 
heard an account much more closely corresponding with 
that of Amadi Fatouma. This discrepancy probably 
arose from the fact that the informants of these tra- 
vellers had the story themselves from hearsay, the king 
of Yaour, cotemporary with Park, being long before 
dead, and very few others left who remembered, or at 
least who could correctly describe, the event. Besides, 
there appeared a strong reluctance on the part of the 
inhabitants of Yaour and Boussa, either from shame 
or fear, to tell the truth respecting the melancholy ca- 
tastrophe. The Landers and Clapperton entertained 
hopes for some time of recovering the journals and 
papers of Park, but they became ultimately convinced 
that all memorials of this land had been lost in the 
Niger. 

It maybe held, therefore, as has been said, that Mungo 
Park closed his career in the manner described by 
Amadi Fatouma. The character of the lamented tra- 
veller it would be a waste of words to expatiate on. 
His deeds, the soundest test by which man can be tried, 
sufficiently prove his claim to the possession of all the 
highest qualifications of a traveller ; and as a man — a 
son, a husband, a father, and a friend — he was a rare 
example to hi? kind. The distinguishing feature of 
his mind and acts was plain, solid, practical usefulness. 
In person Mungo Park was above the middle size, and 
was possessed of great hardihood and muscular vigour 
of frame. He left three sons and one daughter. The 
eldest of his sons, named after himself, died in India, in 
the situation of an assistant-surgeon to the forces there. 
Thomas, the second son, inherited much of his father's 
enterprising spirit, and almost from childhood cherished 
the resolve of penetrating die mystery that hung over 
his parent's fate. After patiently and labox-iously qua- 
lifying himself for the task, he set out in 18*27 for 
Africa, but arrived on the Guinea coast only to die 
there — though not before he had showed powers of ob- 
servation which made his fate the more to be deplored. 
The third son now holds a commission in the British 



82 



AFRICAN DISCOVERY SINCE TIME OF PARK. 



Indian army, and the only daughter of the traveller is 
the wife of Henry W. Meredith, Esq. of Pentry-Bichen, 
Denbighshire. Mrs Park, the widow of the traveller, 
Btill survives. 



PROGRESS OF AFRICAN DISCOVERY SINCE 
THE TIME OF MUNGO PARK. 

The visits of the travellers, Clapperton and Lander, 
at a recent period, to the interior of Africa, have been 
incidentally alluded to in the preceding narrative. Be- 
sides these adventurers, there have been various others, 
who have made exploratory journeys in succession to 
the same regions, and the result of their united labours 
has been the addition of much interesting information 
to that acquired by the journeys of Park. The annexa- 
tion of a summary view of these recent discoveries 
will, it is hoped, render the present work more gene- 
rally acceptable. It would be out of place, however, 
to include in this abstract a notice of any other expe- 
ditions than those which refer to Central Africa, the 
scene of Park's glory and his death, and the quarter 
of the continent on which curiosity chiefly rests. 

Even the interval betwixt the first and second jour- 
neys of the distinguished traveller, whose history has 
been detailed, was not unmarked by attempts from 
other quarters to extend our knowledge of the African 
interior. A German, named Hornemann, undertook 
to penetrate into the continent by way of Egypt, and 
succeeded in reaching Fezzan, whence he wrote (in 
April 1800) to England; but no particulars relative to 
his future history are known. He was never again 
heard of till 1824, when Captain Clapperton, who fol- 
lowed the same route with a better issue, learnt that 
the German traveller had succeeded in penetrating 
from Fezzan to Nyffee, or Nouffie, on the Niger, where 
he fell a victim to dysentery. Hornemann's papers 
had been all accidentally burnt. In 1804, another en- 
terprising spirit, Mr Nicholls, endeavoured to enter 
the African interior from the Calabar coast, in the 
Gulf of Guinea, but, at the very outset of his journey, 
he also perished from the pestilential fever of those 
latitudes. 

Both these journeys had been undertaken under the 
auspices of the same indefatigable Association which 
had guided the early labours of Park, and which now 
prevailed on the British government to make use of 
his valuable services a second time. The issue of the 
expedition of 1805 has been seen. For many years 
subsequent to that period, the attention of Britain was 
too intently occupied with the great affairs then agi- 
tating Europe, to leave any leisure for the prosecu- 
tion of geographical discoveries in a public and autho- 
rised form ; nor were any important contributions 
made to the general stock of knowledge, during that 
time, by individuals. One person, indeed, an Ame- 
rican sailor, who took the name of Adams (though 
his real appellation, as was afterwards discovered, was 
Rose), gave out that he had been shipwrecked and cast 
ashore in 1810 on the African coast, between Morocco 
and the Senegal, and had been carried by the natives 
to the interior, where he had seen Tombuctoo, and 
various other cities of consequence. The African As- 
sociation, to which Adams presented himself on his 
escape from slavery, was at first disposed to credit the 
American's relation ; but a number of circumstances 
afterwards came to light, which established, to the sa- 
tisfaction of the world generally, that all the informa- 
tion which Adams possessed regarding the most of the 
spots he professed to have visited, was derived from 
diligent inquiry during the period of his stay in Africa 
■ — for he had been, beyond doubt, shipwrecked, and de- 
tained by the natives on that continent for a year or 
two. Another individual, named Riley, supercargo of 
the American brig Commerce, was cast away, in the 
year 1815, on the borders of the Great Desert of Sa- 
hara, and was carried by the natives into the interior 
for a very considerable distance. The narrative which 
"Riley published, after escaping from slavery, added 



nothing, however, of interest, to our acquaintance with 
African geography. 

It was only at the close of the great European war- 
like struggle, that the business of discovery was again 
resumed in a manner, and on a scale, likely to work out 
important results. In 1816, the British government 
fitted out an expedition under Captain Tuckey, to ex- 
plore the course of the Congo, which river Park, it 
will be remembered, considered identical with the 
Niger. This opinion was rendered, by his high autho- 
rity, long prevalent and popular, though the distance 
between the then known portions of the Niger and the 
mouth of the Congo is so immense (being above a thou- 
sand miles), as to make us now wonder at the enter- 
tainment of such a notion. The Congo pours its waters 
into the Atlantic, about seven degrees south of the 
equator, and is at its efflux a vast and single stream — ■ 
in the lowest season more than a hundred and fifty 
fathoms deep. Captain Tuckey ascended the Congo to 
the distance of two hundred and eighty miles from the 
coast, when the unfortunate mortality which befel his 
party compelled him to return. Before completing his 
descent, he also fell a victim to the epidemical fever of 
the country. His papers, however, were brought home, 
and were found to contain interesting notices of the 
natives inhabiting the banks of the Congo, but they 
threw no light on the main question which the enter- 
prise had chiefly in view. As the Congo was found to 
flow from the north-east, many considered its identity 
with the Niger to have been by no means disproved by 
the result of this enterprise. 

At the same time that Tuckey and his party had 
entered on the ascent of the Congo, another expedition, 
under Major Peddie, had been dispatched to attempt 
the descent of the Niger, by the same route nearly 
which Park had followed. The parties of Tuckey and 
Peddie, it was anticipated, would thus meet on the 
Niger, if it turned out that the Congo was continuous 
with that stream. Major Peddie had only commenced 
the ascent of the river Nunez, when he died, leaving 
the command of the expedition to Captain Campbell, 
who proceeded on the line proposed, but found it im- 
possible to penetrate nearer to the Niger than the 
kingdom of the Foulahs. Captain Campbell returned 
in life to the mouth of the Nunez, but died there on the 
13th of June 1817, only two days after his arrival. 
Lieutenant Stokoe, a spirited young officer belonging 
to the expedition, projected a new attempt immediately 
afterwards, which only terminated, like so many others, 
in the premature death of the adventurer. Yet another 
officer of Major Peddie's company, Captain Gray, stept 
forward to prosecute this arduous undertaking. In 
1818, Captain Gray set out on Park's route along the 
Gambia, and succeeded in reaching the territory of 
Bondou, where he was for a considerable period de- 
tained by the natives. His associate in the enterprise, 
staff-surgeon Dochard, penetrated as far as the king- 
dom of Bambarra on the Niger, of which Sego is the 
capital, but was unsuccessful in obtaining permission 
to pass through that country, for which purpose he had 
been sent forward. Captain Gray, on being set at 
liberty by the^ Bondou people, returned to the coast in 
safety. Mr Dochard, however, had previously died 
under the fatigues of the journey. 

Records, more or less extensive, were preserved of 
all these expeditions, in which so many daring and 
gallant men lost their lives. The civilised world was 
made acquainted with the appearance, manners, and 
customs of African tribes formerly unknown, as well 
as with the physical character of the countries they 
inhabited ; but the termination of the Niger — that 
great and leading mystery of the African continent 
— remained as much in the dark as ever. The diffi- 
culties, dangers, and deaths, however, which had so 
plentifully attended all attempts to rend away the veil, 
only stimulated the spirit of enlightened enterprise to 
fresh and increased exertions. The next adventurer 
who entered on the field of African discovery, was 
Mr Ritchie, a young man recommended by the Asso- 
ciation as a fit person to take charge of a new mis- 



DENHAM AND CLAPPERTON*S EXPEDITION. 



83 



sion to the interior, projected by the British govern- 
ment. Accompanied by Lieutenant Lyon of the Royal 
Navy, Mr Ritchie proceeded to Tripoli in the begin- 
ning of 1819, and in March the party set out on their 
route across the desert. After much suffering, they 
reached Mourzouk, the capital of a district called 
Fezzan, where Mr Ritchie died of bilious fever. His 
companions were compelled to retrace their steps. 

The bashaw of Tripoli, who had lent his countenance 
to the late expedition, and whose influence extends far 
into the centre of the African continent, continued to 
give such assurances of his aid and protection to any 
mission that might be resolved upon, that the British 
government made an attempt by the desert once more. 
The new adventurers were Major Denliam, Captain 
Clapperton, and Dr Oudney, with one or two compa- 
nions. In April 1822, the travellers reached Mourzouk, 
after a long and toilsome journey, nearly straight south, 
from Tripoli. The sultan of Fezzan, though a tribu- 
tary of Tripoli, showed himself inimical to the progress 
of the party, and actually ordered them to remain 
at Mourzouk until he went to Tripoli and returned 
again. Seeing no alternative, Major Denham retraced 
his steps to Tripoli, and made a complaint to the 
bashaw; but not finding his remonstrances attended 
to, the English officer at once took shipping for Britain, 
to make the bashaw's breach of faith known at the 
court of London. The dignitary of Tripoli was put 
into dreadful alarm by this spirited proceeding, and 
sent vessel after vessel to pacify and recal the Major. 
By one of these that officer was found performing qua- 
rantine at Marseilles, and was prevailed on to return, 
on the faith of the bashaw's firm assurances that guides 
and every other help were now at the command of the 
mission. Major Denham found this to be true. A 
caravan, belonging to a great native merchant, named 
Boo Khaloom, was on the point of starting for Soudan 
on the Niger, and with this band the travellers were to 
cross the desert in company. 

Boo Khaloom, a Moor or Arab of remarkable abili- 
ties, and of a liberal and humane disposition, had a 
retinue on the journey of above two hundred Arabs, 
and with this company performed their dreary marches, 
under a burning sun, across the sands of the interior. 
The most extraordinary sight on this route was the 
number of skeletons strewed on the ground, the wrecks 
of former caravans. Sometimes sixty or seventy lay 
in one spot, and of these some lay entwined in one 
another's arms, as they had perished! For fourteen 
days, hills of sand, and plains of sand, constituted the 
only objects in sight of the travellers. At the end of 
that time they again beheld symptoms of herbage, being 
now on the northern borders of the kingdom of Bornou. 
Shortly afterwards, on reaching a town called Lari, the 
British travellers beheld a sight which made up for all 
they had undergone. This was the great inland sea of 
Africa, Lake Tschad, the existence of which had been 
so often canvassed, and which now lay before them 
"glowing with the golden rays of the sun." 

Lake Tschad, one of the most interesting points of 
central African scenery, is a vast triangular sheet of 
water, about one hundred and eighty miles long from 
east to west, and above one hundred miles in extent at 
its greatest breadth. It lies betwixt 14 and 17 degrees 
of north latitude, and 12 and 15 degrees of east longi- 
tude. Two large streams flow into it, the one, called 
the Yeon, from the west, and the other, the Shary or 
Tshary, from the south. Lake Tschad is situated about 
five hundred miles to the east of the Niger, and the 
country lying between them bears the general name of 
the Soudan, though particular appellations are given 
to provinces, such as Houssa, and others. Bornou is 
the district lying immediately to the west of the lake. 
Major Denham spent a considerable time here. He 
found the kingdom of Bornou in a very peculiar posi- 
tion as to government. The people are negroes, and 
had once been subjugated by the Fellatahs, a race com- 
bining negro with Moorish descent, and the conquerors 
and oppressors of many kingdoms of the interior. But 
a Bornouese negro, of humble birth and powerful ta- 



lents, had aroused his countrymen, and driven out the 
Fellatahs. This individual was found by Major Den- 
ham to be in possession of the whole power of Bornou, 
though, out of respect to the prejudices of the people, 
the old Fellatah prince was still permitted to hold a 
nominal throne, and the empty title of sultan. The 
real ruler contented himself with the title of sheikh. 
He is described by Denham as being extremely intelli- 
gent, and as holding the reins of power with great firm- 
ness and sagacity. The Bornouese are disciples of 
Mahomet, and may be called well civilised, in compa- 
rison with other inland nations. Their country supplies 
them abundantly with food, and they carry on manu- 
factures to a considerable extent in cotton. Such is 
the enlightened character of the present sheikh, that, 
if his hands were once clear of the troubles caused by 
turbulent neighbours, and which compel him to keep 
up a large force, he would speedily, Major Denham 
thinks, make Bornou one of the first kingdoms of Africa. 
Major Denham found an opportunity of travelling 
round nearly the whole of Lake Tschad, and thus satis- 
fied himself that the waters of the Niger did not enter 
this inland pool. After eighteen months' stay in Bor- 
nou, Denham was joined by Captain Clapperton, who 
had separated from him in order to explore the country 
of Soudan — an excursion on which Dr Oudney unfor- 
tunately perished, from fatigue, and the diseases in- 
cidental to the climate. Clapperton was well received 
at Soccatoo, the capital of Houssa, and the seat of Bello, 
the great Soudanite monarch, and the head of the Fel- 
latah nation. Like the sheikh of Bornou, sultan Bello 
was found to be an able and intelligent man. Strange 
to say, he was so well acquainted with the various sects 
of Christianity, and put so many puzzling questions 
regarding the more intricate points of the faith of the 
Christians, that Clapperton was obliged to shelter him- 
self under the plea tha/t such matters, in his own coun- 
try, were left entirely to the consideration of the priesta, 
The knowledge of the African prince on this subject 
was derived probably from the Christians of Abyssinia. 
Bello was a fine-looking personage, with a commanding 
figure, a high forehead, and large black eyes. Like 
the Bornou ruler, he showed an enlightened curiosity 
respecting the astronomical and other instruments pre- 
sented or shown to him, but no ignorant, vulgar wonder 
appeared in his looks or manner. His capital Soccatoo, 
situated on a tributary of the Niger, and distant four 
days' journey from that river, is one of the largest 
cities of the interior, containing, to appearance, above 
forty thousand inhabitants. The city is laid out in 
regular streets, and is surrounded, like most African 
towns, with clay walls. The houses are well-built cot- 
tages, generally of clay, and the mosques, as well as 
parts of the sultan's palace, are ornamented with painted 
wooden pillars, in a very pretty style of architecture. ^ 
Denham and Clapperton do not inform us very mi- 
nutely of the differences in personal appearance between 
the negroes of Bornou and the Fellatahs of Houssa. It 
would appear, however, that many of the Fellatahs ap- 
proach to a copper colour, and have extremely fine 
regular features, like the Arabs. Others of the race 
resemble more nearly the pure negroes in features and 
complexion. The Fellatahs commonly clothe evex-y 
part of their bodies, wearing turbans, shirts, and trou- 
sers, and sandals. The chief commercial city of Houssa 
is Kano, a place nearly as large as Soccatoo, and a little 
farther eastward. Kano is unquestionably the same 
city as Ghana, mentioned six hundred years ago by the 
old Moorish writer Edrisi as the greatest trading town 
of Houssa. Cattle, vegetables, dyes, the cotton fabrics 
of the country, and slaves, are the principal objects of 
traffic in the market-place of Kano, which is formed of 
little sheds or stalls of bamboo, and is superintended by 
a regular sheikh or judge. Kowrios constitute the cur- 
rent coinage. 

Upon the whole, the two countries of Houssa and 
Bornou must be regarded as far above any kingdoms 
of the African interior yet visited by Europeans, in point 
of power and civilisation. The Fellatah sultan, Bello. 
was extremely anxious that an English consul should 



84 



CLAPPERTON— LAING— CAlLLtE. 



be sent to Soccatoo, and that a trade should be opened 
up with the English. Before the travellers left either 
Houssa or Bornou, however, they found the rulers of 
these places to cool in their desire for British inter- 
course. This arose, without doubt, from the intrigues 
of the Arabs, who were afraid that the traffic through 
the desert from the Mediterranean might be superseded 
by the commerce of the British from the Atlantic or 
western coast. The Arabs, therefore, artfully placed 
before the minds of the African princes the conse- 
quences which had resulted to India and other countries 
from a connection with Britain. These representations 
had a considerable effect, as has been said ; yet Bello 
and the Bornouese sheikh were still anxious for the 
commencement of a regulated and limited intercourse. 
In order to begin this, and to accustom the natives to 
the presence of Europeans, Mr Tyrwhitt, a gentleman 
who had joined Denham and Clapperton, was left at 
Kouka, the capital of Bornou, with a considerable stock 
of goods belonging to the party, when the other travel- 
lers departed, by the road they came, for Tripoli. They 
reached that place on the 26th of January 1825, and 
proceeded shortly after to Britain, having spent more 
than three years in Africa. Mr Tyrwhitt died at Kouka 
in March 1825. 

The safe return of two principal members of this ex- 
pedition, and the interesting nature of the observations 
made by them, was cheering and encouraging to the 
British authorities, and to all who took an interest in 
African discovery. But the question of the Niger's 
outlet, through which alone, it was obvious, commercial 
intercourse could be securely and effectually established 
with the interior, remained yet in doubt, though the late 
travellers were fully convinced that the river flowed 
into the Atlantic somewhere in the Gulf of Guinea. 
Ere he had rested many months at home, Clapperton, 
one of the bravest of the many brave men who had 
risked their lives on the same dangerous adventure, was 
again on his way to Africa, at the head of an exploratory 
party. His companions were Dr Morrison and Captain 
Pearce, besides a faithful servant of Clapperton, Rich- 
ard Lander. It was resolved on this occasion to enter 
the interior from Badagry, a district on the northern 
coast of the Gulf of Guinea, from which Clapperton be- 
lieved the Niger might be soonest reached. Having 
reached Badagry, the mission, on the 7th of December 
1825, set out for the interior, accompanied by an 
African guide named Pascoe, who had been hired at 
Badagry. Alas ! ere a few days passed over, two of the 
company, Messrs Pearce and Morrison, sank beneath 
the climate, like so many of their predecessors. Clap- 
perton continued his route, and passed through a po- 
pulous kingdom named Yarriba, of which the capital, 
Katunga, is no less than fifteen miles in circumference. 
Another city, called Kiama, containing to appearance 
thirty thousand inhabitants, was passed by the travel- 
lers, who every where experienced a kind reception from 
the natives. Other large towns lay in the route between 
the coast and the Niger, and, in fact, the populous- 
ness of the country was immense. In March 1826, 
Clapperton reached Wawa, a city of eighteen thousand 
inhabitants, and shortly afterwards went to Boussa, an- 
other large city, and the place where Park met his fate. 
Clapperton describes Boussa as being situated on an 
island of the Qnorra, or Niger ; but this appears by later 
accounts to be a mistake, or, it may be, the river occu- 
pies more than one channel at the spot at some sea- 
sons. The travellers saw the place where Park died, 
but, though they heard of relics that had been preserved 
of him in the country, they did not see any. 

After a short stay at Boussa, Captain Clapperton 
crossed the Niger, and visited the country of Nyffee on 
the left bank, after which he went to Kano and Socca- 
too, the Fellatah cities which he had formerly seen. Un- 
fortunately, the sultan, Bello, was now greatly more 
suspicious of the motives of the British, in seeking in- 
tercourse with the African states, and was disposed to 
behave harshly to Clapperton. This feeling on the part 
of Bello caused much anxiety to the traveller, whose 
health at the same time began to decline. After many 



months spent chiefly at Kano and Soccatoo, Clapper- 
ton died at the latter of these cities, on the 13th of 
April 1827, in the arms of his attendant, Richard 
Lander, whose kind attentions he expressed his grati- 
tude for almost with his latest breath. 

Thus left alone among suspicious strangers, at the 
distance of one hundred and fifteen days' journey from 
the coast, and oppressed besides with sickness and fever, 
Lander may well be believed, when he says that he felt 
so disconsolate and lonely, as to wish earnestly that he 
had been laid by the side of his dear master. But these 
feelings wore partly away, and Lander soon gave proof 
that he was possessed of intelligence above his condi- 
tion, and was inferior in spirit and daring to none of the 
many gallant men who had left their bones in the sun- 
burnt plains of Africa. He formed the resolution of 
proceeding directly to Fundah, the place where the 
Niger was said to enter the sea, and endeavour to solve 
the problem of its termination. As Bello appeared to 
repent a little of his harshness after Clapperton's death, 
Lander was enabled to set out on this journey, and to 
travel a long way southwards of Soccatoo ; but just as 
he approached the neighbourhood of Fundah and the 
Niger, he was compelled by some of Bello's emissaries 
to retrace his steps to the northward. He was not de- 
tained, however, by the Fellatahs, but was permitted to 
turn his course to the coast at Badagry, where he ar- 
rived in November 1827. He reached England four 
months afterwards, bringing with him Clapperton's 
papers, and a journal of his own proceedings subse- 
quent to his master's death. 

These documents brought under the notice of the 
public, for the first time, several countries both on the 
east and west banks of the Niger, and also supplied the 
strongest confirmation yet received of Amadi Fatou- 
ma's account of Mungo Park's death. Meanwhile, the 
British government were making another attempt from 
the Mediterranean to open up the interior of Africa — 
for such was the ultimate and highest object to be at- 
tained through these expeditions. About the time 
that Clapperton set out on his second journey, Major 
Laing, an able officer, who had already travelled on the 
African coasts, entered the Desert by way of Tripoli, 
under the protection of a personage who had resided 
twenty-two years at Tombuctoo. When in the middle 
of the Desert, the party was attacked by a band of wild 
Tuaricks, and Major Laing was left for dead, with 
twenty-four dreadful wounds on his person. He reco- 
vered, however, by the care of Ins surviving companions, 
although numerous portions of bone had to be extracted 
from his head and temples ! When able to do so, he 
pursued his journey, and on the 18th of August, reached 
the famous city of Tombuctoo. Several letters were 
received from him, dated at this place, which he de- 
scribed as having disappointed him in point of extent, 
being only about four miles in circuit, but that he had 
found its records copious and interesting. Major Laing 
never had the opportunity, unhappily, of malting these 
valuable discoveries known, being murdered, three 
days after leaving Tombuctoo, by a wretch who had 
undertaken to guide him to the mouth of the Senegal or 
its neighbourhood. What became of the ill-fated tra- 
veller's papers is not yet known. 

The next light thrown upon African geography came 
from a source somewhat different from those described. 
Rene Caillie', a Frenchman of humble origin, being early 
animated by a love of enterprise, left his country at the 
age of sixteen, and arrived at Senegal in the year 1816. 
Having heard soon afterwards of Major Gray's expedi- 
tion, he contrived, after many difficulties, to join the 
party in Bondou, aud returned with them to the coast. 
He afterwards came to France, but went back to Africa 
in 1824, always animated with the hope of distinguish- 
ing himself on the field of discovery. A prize offered 
by the French Society of Geography stimulated him 
finally to a successful exertion. Assuming the charac- 
ter of a Mahomedan on a pilgrimage to Mecca, he joined, 
on the 19th of April 1827, a small native caravan, tra- 
velling from the river Nunez to the interior. He soon 
after reached the Joliba (the name which the Niger 



EXPEDITION OF THE LANDERS. 



85 



bears as far down as Tombuctoo), but was detained by 
illness for five months at a place called Time. On his 
recovery, he passed onwards to Jenne on the Niger, a 
city described by him as containing 8000 or 10,000 in- 
habitants, and as being a place of considerable traffic. 
At Jenne', he embarked in a loose native vessel of sixty 
tons burden, and sailed with a party of merchants 
through lake Dibbie (mentioned by Park), and down 
the Nigeri until, in April 1828, the vessel stopped at 
Cabra, the port of Tombuctoo. The inhabitants of Ca- 
bra were about 1200 in number, and were solely oc- 
cupied as porters, either in unloading goods, or in con- 
veying them on the backs of asses to Tombuctoo. That 
city itself lies about ten miles from the Niger, and is a 
place of some 10.000 or 12,000 inhabitants. It is chiefly 
built of bricks, and is supported entirely by commerce. 
The population are partly negroes and partly Moors, 
but the king is a negro, and the government solely in 
the hands of that class. On the other hand, though all 
the people engage more or less in trade, the Moors are 
the principal merchants. The great article of traffic is 
salt, which is brought from the mines hi the neighbour- 
ing Desert of Sahara, and is disseminated from Tombuc- 
too over the whole of central Africa. Other goods, 
both of European and native manufacture, are carried 
from the Mediterranean by Moorish merchants to the 
city. Tombuctoo is in the midst of barren sands, and 
depends upon Jenne and other places for rice and other 
necessaries of life. The population is almost entirely 
Mahomedan, and there are several mosques in the city, 
of which two are very large. The people are gentle in 
their manners, and well disposed towards strangers. 
Education is well attended to, every person being able 
at least to read the Koran. 

Such are the leading facts stated by M. Caillie re- 
specting Tombuctoo. He says nothing respecting those 
records mentioned by Major Laing, and which, if 
they exist, relate doubtless to the ancient times of the 
city, when it was a seat of learning and literature, 
if we may trust the old Arabic writers. In other 
respects, Caillie's statements correspond with the most 
accredited reports. After leaving Tombuctoo, Caillie 
made his way across the Desert to Tangier, where he 
arrived in August 1 828, and whence he was forwarded 
by the French consul to Europe. When his narrative 
was published, the truth of it was at first doubted, but 
afterwards the world became satisfied of his veracity, 
and placed such inaccuracies as his work contained, to 
the account of his want of scientific knowledge and of 
scientific instruments. Upon the whole, however, M. 
Caillie has contributed little to the removal of those 
glaring blanks which have so long defaced the map of 
Africa. 

Not so the next adventurer to whom we have to 
allude. This was Richard Lander, the faithful follower 
of Clapperton. Lander made an offer of his services to 
government, for the investigation of the course and ter- 
mination of the Niger. The offer was accepted, and 
Lander embarked at Portsmouth on the 9th of Janu- 
ary 1830, accompanied by his younger brother John, 
who shared in all the toils and honours of the expedi- 
tion. The Landers arrived on the 19th of March at 
Badagry, and at the end of the month started on the 
same route pursued by Clapperton in his journey to 
the Niger. Paskoe, the old guide, was again taken into 
service by the Landers. After an interesting journey 
through the populous cities of Yarriba, the travellers 
arrived at Boussa on the Niger, on the 17th of June. 
The king of Boussa welcomed them with great cordi- 
ality. Though gentle and hospitable, this prince was a 
mere ignorant savage, in comparison of the kings of 
Houssa and Bornou. At Boussa, notwithstanding that 
aversion always evinced by the natives to speak about 
Park, the Lnnders found an old nautical publication 
belonging to that traveller, with a loose paper or two 
between the sheets — one of them an invitation card to 
dinner. The man who possessed this book regarded it 
as his household god, every written paper being of 
magical import in the eyes of the natives. The lobe, or 
Burtout-dress, of rich crimson damask, which Bark hail 



worn, was also recovered at Boussa by the Landers, 
but no distinct account was got of the mode in which 
these articles came into the hands of their owners. 

Yaourie, a city and province on the east bank of the 
Niger, at the distance of three or four days' journey 
northwards from Boussa, was next visited by the tra- 
vellers, in consequence of reports having been long 
prevalent that the king of Yaourie had Park's papers 
in his possession ; but the Landers found nothing there 
but a double-barrelled gun, which had been part of 
Park's present to the king, and which they got in ex- 
change for their own fowling-piece. The king of 
Yaourie was the son of the monarch who had been co- 
temporary with Park. It was with some difficulty that 
the Landers could get away from the king of Yaourie, 
who was a greedy and ignorant, though crafty savage, 
and who had at first artfully deceived his visitors into 
the belief of his having relics of the long-lost traveller. 

On the return of the travellers to Boussa, they began 
to look out for a canoe in which to pass down the river. 
They did not obtain this, however, until after they had 
paid a visit to Wawa (or Wowow, an inland town already 
mentioned), the king of which behaved uncommonly 
well to them. Indeed, the kings and people of Boussa 
and Wowow seem to have been simple and ingenuous 
in an extreme degree. The king of Boussa sent mes- 
sengers down the Niger to a town called Rabba, in 
order to pave the way for the secure passage of the 
travellers ; and when a favourable answer was return- 
ed, the African monarch "capered round his hut with 
transport, and, after a burst of joy, he began to cry 
like a child — his heart was so full. 'Now,' said he, 
'whatever may happen to the white men, my neigh- 
bours cannot but acknowledge that I have taken every 
care of them, treated them as became a king, and done 
my best to promote their happiness and interests.' 
And so he has," continue the Landers. 

On the 20th of September, the travellers embarked 
in a canoe provided for them, on the Niger. They 
were detained for a time after they had sailed a short 
way, in consequence of their having broken a promise 
to go to Wowow during certain festivals then in pro- 
gress. The Wowow king seems to have been anxious 
to show off his grandeur to the white men. This diffi- 
culty removed, the Landers continued their course. On 
the 7th of October, they arrived opposite Rabba, hav- 
ing passed a number of islands and towns on the river, 
which was always a magnificent stream, but varying 
considerably in width. Rabba is a large market-town, 
governed by a relative of sultan Bello. The ruler of 
Rabba being dissatisfied with the presents made to him, 
the travellers were reluctantly forced to give him Park's 
tobe, and they subsequently had the misfortune to lose 
his gun. Near Rabba, the river took a wide sweep to 
the eastwards, but it again turned to the south. Egga, 
another famous market-town on the river, and Kacunda, 
were afterwards passed, and the mouths of two large 
tributaries, the Coodoovia, and the Tshadda, were also 
seen. Various other towns were passed in succession, 
the largest of which were Bocqua and Attah. The 
Landers had now arrived at a region where signs of 
European intercourse were seen, and where the natives 
had been tainted by the demoralising consequences of 
the slave commerce. At a place called Kirree, the 
travellers suffered a heavy misfortune. They were 
attacked by a number of canoes, seized, and their pro- 
perty taken from them. Richard's journal, amongst 
other articles, was lost in the river, though the notes of 
his brother were happily preserved. The travellers 
expected nothing but death at this time themselves, 
but their lives were saved, that they might be carried 
down the river to Eboe-town, where the king of the 
Eboe people resided, and by whoso subjects the attack 
had been made. On their way to Eboc-town, they 
passed a large lake on the river, which afterwards 
divided itself into three broad streams, flowing at diffe- 
rent inclinations to tho south-west. From this and 
previous branchings of the stream, the Landers felt 
convinced that they wen close by the termination of 
tho Niger in the Gulf of Guinea ; and their anxiety to 



86 



MOUTH OF THE NIGER DISCOVERED BY THE LANDERS. 



continue their route was proportionable to their plea- 
sure at the near accomplishment of their task. Obie, 
the Eboe king, resolved to detain them, however, till a 
ransom was got from the English ; but king Boy, a mo- 
narch residing farther down the river, and who was 
then in Eboe-town, became bound for the ransom of the 
Landers, and carried them down (what proved to be the 
stream commonly called the Nun river) to Brass-Town, 
his father's capital. King Boy subsequently went down 
to the mouth of the river with Richard Lander, leaving 
John at Brass-Town. An English merchantman was 
lying in the Nun, and with hope in his heart, Richard 
Lander went on board of her with Boy, and explained 
his situation to the commander Captain Lake, expect- 
ing to find a countryman's sympathy and aid. The 
wretch refused to expend a penny on their ransom, 
though, if he had possessed a spark of intelligence, he 
might have been assured that the British government 
would gladly have paid, ten times over, any outlay made 
in such circumstances. Richard Lander with difficulty 
prevailed on Boy to go and bring his brother John to 
the brig, by which time the traveller hoped Lake would 
relent. The brutal captain, however, did not relent ; 
and when John Lander came to the brig, he and his 
brother, much against their will, were forced to leave 
the river without satisfying Boy, who had generously 
taken the risk of recovering their ransom. It is a con- 
solation to think that the British government ultimately 
made Boy be paid much more than he looked for. In 
Captain Lake's vessel, meantime, the Landers, after 
much danger, crossed the bar of the river Nun, and 
entered the open sea in the Bight of Benin, Gulf of 
Guinea, with the deep satisfaction on their minds of 
having thus attained the glory of discovering the termi- 
nation of the Niger ! On the 1st of December, they 
were put ashore at Fernando Po, where they experienced 
the warmest reception from the British residents. 
Shortly afterwards they found a passage homewards, 
and reached Britain on the 9th of June 1831, after an 
absence of a year and a half. 

The solution of the great African mystery by the 
Landers was justly felt by their countrymen as a na- 
tional triumph. But the matter, when explained, 
looked so simple, as in the case of Columbus with the 
egg, that men wondered how they could have been so 
long in the dark with respect to it. The splitting of 
the Niger into numerous branches near its close, some 
of them a hundred miles distant from others, was the 
real cause of all the difficulty. Like the Nile, the 
Niger has a large delta (so called from the shape of 
the Greek letter A delta), and each of its branches 
bore the look of independent streams. The delta of 
the Niger is partly inhabited, but is extremely marshy. 

The discovery of the mouth of the Niger was not 
long in being turned to advantage by the enterprising 
spirit of British commerce. Richard Lander again 
gave his services to the cause. Several mercantile 
gentlemen of Liverpool having determined upon open- 
ing a traffic through the Niger, in the expectation of 
getting indigo, ivory, and other African productions, 
in exchange for British manufactures, two steam-ves- 
sels were fitted out, to which the names of the Quorra 
and the Alburkah were given, and the latter of which 
was entirely formed of iron — an experiment in sailing 
which succeeded remarkably well, and which would 
have been remarkable under any circumstances. The 
heating of the iron was feared, but its great conducting 
power kept it at the temperature of the water. After 
a tedious voyage, these two vessels were safely con- 
veyed to the destined quarter in October 1832, with 
Lander, Messrs Laird, Oldfield, and a considerable 
party of Europeans, on board. In the same month, 
the Quorra and Alburkah commenced the ascent of 
the Nun branch of the Niger. The lowermost portions, 
in point of position, of the Eboe population, showed 
some disposition to attack the vessels, which made sharp 
reprisals ; but the danger passed over, and the party 
proceeded to Eboe-town, where Lander's former captor 
Obie resided. He was much surprised when he found 
that palm-oil, in which he was a great dealer, would 



not suit the new merchants. After this period, disease 
began to attack the crews of the steamers to such an 
extent, that in three weeks seventeen men died. Above 
Attah a new misfortune happened. The Quorra ran 
aground, and could not be extricated for four months, 
at the end of which time the rising of the water re- 
lieved it. This stoppage took place near the confluence 
of the Tshadda, otherwise called Tshary, with the 
Niger, and Mr Laird, one of the leaders of the party, 
left his companions, and ascended this tributary in a 
boat to trade with the natives — an object in which 
little progress had been made hitherto. Mr Laird, 
after a journey, partly by land and partly by sea, of 
about forty miles, reached Fundah, a city on the 
Tshadda, containing thirty or forty thousand inhabi- 
tants. Little trade in ivory or indigo was effected 
here, though the natives were not unfavourably dis- 
posed towards the strangers. On returning to the 
Niger, Mr Laird found that Lander had gone down the 
river for some purpose, and he himself was not long, 
after leaving the Tshadda, in turning the prow of the 
Quorra seawards. He met Lander, with others, as- 
cending in a boat from the sea-coast. Mr Laird con- 
tinued his descent in the Quorra, and, after reaching 
the sea, did not re-enter the Niger. Only three or 
four of the original crew of the Quorra survived the 
expedition. 

These separations seem to have arisen from divided 
councils, and misunderstandings among the party. Mr 
Lander, Mr Oldfield, and others, joined the Alburkah, 
and attempted yet to trade with the natives. The Al- 
burkah entered the Tshadda on the 2d of August, and 
sailed for a hundred and four miles up that stream, 
after which want of provisions compelled the party to 
return to the Niger, which they immediately began to 
ascend, with the view of reaching Boussa. At Ka- 
cunda, Egga, and Rabbah, the travellers endeavoured 
to open a trade ; but the eager desire of the rulers and 
great men to get all the grand things the strangers had, 
appears to have prevented the various communities 
from bringing their produce for sale. This circum- 
stance may be said to have been one of the chief bar- 
riers in the way of success, but it is an obstacle obvi- 
ously which would speedily disappear. The Alburkah, 
from some accidental injury to the engine, had to turn 
at Rabbah, which is about a hundred and fifty miles 
above the Tshadda's mouth, and proceed to the sea- 
coast. Here, however, the indefatigable Lander did 
not permit it to stay long. He himself went to Cape 
Coast Castle for a supply of kowries, an article found 
to be indispensable to the expedition, while Mr Old- 
field again ascended the Niger, where Lander was 
soon to join him ; but Lander never again saw the 
Alburkah. In sailing to join it in a boat, he was at- 
tacked by the natives, and received so severe a gunshot 
wound near the head of the thigh-bone, as ultimately 
to produce fatal consequences. As there is little said 
relative to the death of Richard Lander, in the account 
of this expedition given by Messrs Laird and Oldfield, 
we are happy to have it in our power to narrate the par- 
ticulars of the accident, as detailed by Lander himself to 
a gentleman (Mr Butter, colonial surgeon) who was the 
medical attendant of the traveller on his death-bed. 

In ascending the Niger to join the Alburkah, Lander 
had several boats with him loaded with goods, and with 
the . kowries which he had collected. With these, he 
and his company made their way upwards in safety, 
for about four hundred miles by his own calculation, 
until they came opposite to Iamma (or Hyainma) and 
Ikibree, two towns on the banks of the river. Here, 
in the forenoon of the 20th of January 1834, a party of 
natives, armed with muskets, made an attack in their 
canoes on the travellers, evidently with the view of 
seizing their property. Lander defended himself for a 
time by returning the fire of the natives, but soon found 
it necessary to abandon his boats of burden, and to re- 
treat down the river, accompanied by two boats besides 
the one he was on board of himself. The natives pur- 
sued ; and it was while in the act of stooping for ammu- 
nition to sustain his running fire, that Lander received 



DEATH OF LANDER. 



87 



a shot in the upper part of his left limb. The shot, as 
he afterwards stated, gave him no pain whatever at the 
time, but a general feeling of faintness came over him, 
and a sensation of numbness in the part, which led him 
to place his hand upon it. On withdrawing this, he ob- 
served it marked with blood, but the hemorrhage from 
the wound, both then and afterwards, consisted of no 
more than a slight oozing. Lander and his companions 
continued their exertions, and were successful in escap- 
ing from the natives ; but the traveller felt a deep con- 
viction, from the moment of the injury, that he was 
mortally wounded. 

Six days after the attack, he reached Fernando Po. 
All the attentions paid to him there, however, were 
unsuccessful in averting the issue which the traveller 
anticipated. The ball was so deeply lodged in the fleshy 
part of the limb, that it was found impossible to extract 
it with safety. Suppuration, and subsequently morti- 
fication of the muscles, ensued, and early on the morn- 
ing of the 2d of February, thirteen* days from the oc- 
currence of the accident, Richard Lander breathed his 
last. His dying moments were marked by the greatest 
resignation and composure. Two subjects appeared 
chiefly to occupy his thoughts. The one of these was 
the expedition in which he had been engaged, and in 
which he had ardently hoped to do something that might 
redound to the honour both of his own and of the Eng- 
lish name, as well as to the benefit of the enterprising 
gentlemen whose property had been embarked in the 
echeme. Influenced by these feelings, Lander, though 
at heart impressed with the belief that his hour was 
come, wrote cheerily to Mr Oldfield, and even spoke 
hopefully of himself, that that gentleman might proceed 
with undamped spirit. The other subject on which 
Lander's last thoughts dwelt, was his family. Not long 
before embarking on this final expedition, he had been 
united in England to an amiable woman, to whom he 
was strongly attached. In proof of the warmth of his 
affections, Mr Butter, to whose kindness these details 
are owing, states that, at a former period (May 1833), 
when Lander was under his care for an attack of dy- 
sentery, the traveller's illness seemed almost instanta- 
neously to be dispelled by a letter from home, containing 
intelligence of an agreeable nature.* After his decease, 
the ball was extracted from his limb, and was found 
to have fractured the neck of the thigh bone. Colonel 
Nicolls, superintendant of Fernando Po, made every 
endeavour to discover the parties who had been instru- 
mental in the death of the traveller. The colonel sailed 
in person up the river Nun (that branch of the Niger 
or Quorra on which the accident took place), and had 
an interview with King Boy, on whom suspicion partly 
fell. Boy, however, declared himself entirely innocent, 
and asserted it to have been done by the lawless people 
of Iammah and Ikibree, over whom he had no control. 
No further satisfaction was obtained on the subject. 

Richard Lander was descended from Cornish pa- 
rents, of humble station in life. He will assuredly rank 
second only to Mungo Park on the roll of those who have 
connected their names with African discovery. To con- 
vey a distinct final idea of the extent of our obligations 
to him as a discoverer, it is necessary to recapitulate the 

* Mr Butter has in his possession a tobe presented to him hy 
Richard Lander, and which the latter brought from Rabba, the 
farthest point reached on this expedition, and a market-town of 
importance. This tobe is formed of stout cotton stuff, of native 
manufacture, and which resembles closely our own coarse un- 
bleached cotton-ware, such as is used for workmen's shirting ; 
but the material of the tobe is in breadths of only two and a 
half inches, joined together by needle and thread. The tobe, 
when upon the person, and hanging loose, is not unlike a wide- 
skirted military cloak, or an English clergyman's surplice. There 
is no opening in front, however, as in the cloak, and the way of 
putting on the tobe is by dropping it over the head and body. It 
fits pretty closely about the neck, and the skirts also are in part 
drawn together around the limbs ; but the side-skirts of the tobo 
are loose, and arc in general lifted by the natives upon the arms, 
and so worn. The front of this tobe has some simple figurings of 
white silk towards the neck. Though possessing a cumbrous ap- 
pearance, it ia evidently a dress well calculated for easo in a hot 
climate. 



particulars of the geography and history of the Niger. 
It rises, according to Park, between the eleventh and 
twelfth degrees of north latitude, and between the fourth 
and fifth degrees of west longitude from Greenwich. 
For nearly the half of its course, it flows in a north- 
easterly direction, and afterwards turns to the south. 
Throughout the upper part of its course, it is called by 
the natives the Joliba, Niger being exclusively an Eu- 
ropean appellation. By Park, it was traced down to 
Boussa, where he was killed ; but from Sansanding to 
Yaourie, owing to the destruction of the papers of that 
traveller, the course of the river is only traced conjec- 
turally, with the exception of Caillie's notice of it as far 
as Cabra. At Yaourie, where it is called the Quorra, the 
course of the river was taken up by the two Landers in 
1830, and traced down to the Gulf of Guinea, where a great 
number of disemboguing streams, which had formerly 
been supposed independent rivers, and called by diffe- 
rent names, were now perceived to be mouths of the 
Niger ; this river, like the Nile, the Ganges, and some 
others, parting into several branches, when near the 
sea. It is clearly owing to this variety of names borne 
by the river at various parts of its course, as well as to 
the remarkable bend it makes above Boussa, that the 
geography of the Niger remained so long a mystery to 
European science. 

It has been already mentioned, that the Alburkah 
again took its way up the Niger, under the charge of 
Mr Oldfield, at the period when Richard Lander went 
to Cape Coast Castle for kowries. Mr Oldfield's expe- 
dition lasted from November 1833 till July 1834, dur- 
ing which time he ascended the river no farther than 
the town of Attah, already mentioned, and which seems 
to be one of the most important places of traffic on its 
banks. The chief article of traffic, unfortunately, con- 
sists of slaves, whom the king, the principal merchant, 
sells in great numbers to the native chiefs at the mouths 
of the Niger, where the unfortunate creatures are dis- 
posed of to the Spanish and Portuguese slavers. Mr 
Oldfield, however, found at Attah a considerable quan- 
tity of ivory, so much as to prove satisfactorily the 
statement of Lander, that the article abounded on the 
line of the river. But this partial success in accom- 
plishing the objects of the enterprise, was counter- 
balanced by the fearful loss of lives, from fever and 
dysentery, on board of the Alburkah. So disheartening 
was this mortality, that Mr Oldfield, on receiving in- 
formation of Lander's death, thought proper to com- 
mence the descent of the river, which he completed, as 
has been mentioned, in July 1834. Five out of twenty- 
nine of the Quorra's crew, and four out of nineteen of 
the Alburkah's, were the sad relics of this trading ex- 
pedition. 

Neither as regards the effects of climate, however, 
nor with respect to many other points, must this enter- 
prise be held as decisive of the impossibility of secure 
and successful trading with the interior of Africa. 
There seem to have been many obstacles of a peculiar 
kind in the way of success on this occasion, which are 
not likely to mar again any well-concocted attempt of 
the same kind. The want of harmony between the 
leaders of the expedition has been already adverted to, 
and to this misunderstanding, as fully appears from the 
narratives of Laird and Oldfield, the failure of the en- 
terprise is in no small degree to be ascribed. By this 
unhappy cause, the efforts of the party were rendered 
vacillating, detached, and irregular, instead of being 
concentrated upon individual objects, in such a way as 
might have insured a chance of success. It is but jus- 
tice to the memory of the dead to say, that the impres- 
sions which we are left, by Mr Laird's narrative, to form 
respecting Lander's conduct on this occasion, are so 
much at variance with all that is known of that travel- 
ler's character, that we are forced to conclude Mr Laird 
to have been altogether ignorant of his associate's 
motives and movements during a considerable part of 
the enterprise. The misfortunes arising from climate, 
also, were certainly not so fully provided for as they 
might have been during the voyage of the Quorra and 
Alburkah. After the death of Dr Briggs, which 00- 



88 



CONCLUSION— APPENDIX. 



curred not long after the ascent of the Niger was com- 
menced, the crews of the two steamers were left without 
the advice or attendance of any one regularly qualified 
medical man. Without implying any reflection on the 
care and attentiveness of those who remained to admi- 
nister to the sick, it. is reasonable to conclude, that to 
this deficiency the dreadful mortality attending this 
expedition may in part have been owing. 

These remarks have in view no other object than 
that of explaining in part the misfortunes which befel 
this party. Mr Laird's remarks will afford the best 
proof, that the dispositions of the natives were far from 
being unfavourable to the establishment of an inter- 
course with Europeans. He says, " I can safely assert 
that, as far as my experience goes, European traders 
will be received with open arms by all the inhabitants 
of the interior ; that no hostility, but, on the contrary, 
every kindness and respect, will be shown to them; 
that their property and lives will be as safe (excepting 
from the effects of climate) upon the Niger as upon 
the Thames ; and that nothing prevents the Eboes, and 
other nations in the interior, trading direct with the 
Europeans upon the coast, but the terror that a white 
man's name carries with it — a terror which is artfully 
kept up by the chiefs upon the coast, and the disor- 
ganised state of the country produced by the slave- 
trade." In addition to these favourable circumstances, 
it may be observed, that the steam-vessels found an 
abundant supply of wood, as fuel for the engines, dur- 
ing the whole route, either by sending men on shore to 
cut it, or by paying a small price to the natives for it. 

Time, it is obvious, will remove the main obstacles 
pointed out by Mr Laird in the preceding sentences. 
Climate is the great and the crushing difficulty ; but 



even that may, by care and choosing time properly, be 
got over, as was shown by an expedition, performed in 
the Quorra steam- vessel, subsequent to those described. 
In September 1835, Mr Becroft, a Fernando Po mer- 
chant, ascended the Niger, traded with success, and left 
it, at the end of three months, with the loss of only one 
man. 

Such is the history of discovery since the time of Park, 
in those regions with winch he, more than any other 
man, has durably and honourably associated his name. 
Difficulties yet stand in the way of the complete fulfil- 
ment of those objects which all his toils and sufferings 
had in view, yet the time is unquestionably not far dis- 
tant when millions of human beings will bless the name 
of him who was the first, at the sacrifice of his life, to 
point out the path by which the benefits of civilisation 
might enter the benighted dwellings of Africa. It is 
true that the contact of civilised man has hitherto 
tended only to deteriorate the character of the inhabi- 
tants of that continent, and to thicken the intellectual 
darkness amid which they lived — the slave-trade, which 
is still kept up in all its horrid vigour, being in reality 
the grand obstacle to social advancement in this un- 
happy region ; but let us hope that, by the exertions 
of intrepid and philanthropic Englishmen, a better 
time will ere long arrive, when the intercourse of their 
white fellow-creatures will bring with it a blessing only, 
and not a curse, to the dark-hued children of the south. 
When that consummation arrives, Britain will feel a 
noble pride in the thought that she has been foremost 
in labouring for so good a cause, and Park, with all the 
gallant train of her sons who followed in his footsteps, 
will rank for ever among the greatest benefactors of 
the human species. 



APPENDIX. 



The following letter is one of the last written by 
Mungo Park, giving an account of the illness and death 
of his fellow-traveller and brother-in-law, Mr Alex- 
ander Anderson, to his father, the late Dr Anderson, 
Selkirk ; and which has never appeared in any previous 
publication. 

Sansanding, near Sego, Nov. 16th, 1805. 
My Dear Father, — I know not in what manner to 
tell you the most sorrowful tidings that ever reached 
your ears, and I sincerely pray that the supporting 
spirit from on high may sustain and comfort you under 
this severe dispensation of Divine Providence. You will 
readily anticipate what I am going to say — your son, 
my dear dear friend, has shut his eyes on the scenes of 
time, and opened them on the glories of eternity. He 
was affected with the fever, but very gently, on the 30th 
of June, at the town of Kandy, to the east of the Black 
River (Mr Scott was affected the same day) ; he how- 
ever rode his horse, and was almost well again. When 
we reached Bangassy, July 22d, here he had a return 
of the general debility, which increased as we advanced 
to the east, and when we reached Dababoo, the frontier 
town of Bambarra, he was unable to manage his horse. 
I therefore led it, and he rode till we reached a village 
called Koomikroomi, when Mr Scott died ; here I had 
a sort of hammock made, affixed to a long pole, and 
carried on men's heads. In this conveyance he was 
carried fifty miles with great ease and comfort. On our 
arrival at Bambarra, on the Niger, he recovered so 
rapidly that in three days he was able to ride down to 
the river-side to embark in the canoe, and on our ar- 
rival at Marraboo, he walked from the canoe to the 
town. We stayed here thirteen days, and he continued 
much the same in point of health : he complained of 
no pain whatever, nothing but general debility. He had 
a tolerable appetite, but never recovered his strength ; 
and when we reached Samee, near Sego, he was again 



unable to walk, and the same state of universal debility 
prevailed when we reached this place (Sansanding) ; here 
he recovered gradually, and on October 18th, told me 
that he hoped to keep a look-out in the canoe. In going 
down the river, he was able to sit up, and even walk a 
little by himself ; but alas, alas ! on the night of the 24th 
of October, he was affected with a bilious diarrhoea, 
for which in the morning I gave him a doze of calomel, 
and an opiate at night. The opiate relieved the pain, 
but as the diarrhoea and tenesmus still continued, we 
had every reason to suspect that it was dysentery ; and 
as his strength was now gone, he considered the hour 
of his departure as at hand. I sat with him every night, 
and I hope have derived much benefit from his con- 
versation. He often often spoke of you, and also about 
all friends at home, but generally added, " Where I am 
going all the light afflictions vanish from my mind." He 
told me to whom to give his compliments, and concluded 
by saying, " Tell them all that I die in the firm faith 
that Jesus Christ is the Saviour of the world, and what 
is comfortable indeed to me, he will soon be my judge." 
In this manner death gradually approached, and on 
the morning of the 28th, at a quarter past five, as I 
turned him from one side to the other, he gave a groan. 
I inquired if he felt much pain ; he said, " No, I have 
had a fine sleep." Shortly after this, he said with a 
clear distinct voice, " Thou knowest my state, Lord," 
and instantly expired without a groan, a sigh, or struggle. 
I had him buried about 100 yards north of the eastern- 
most church in Sansanding. Koontee Mamadel, the chief 
man of this town, attended his corpse to the grave. 

My dear father, endeavour to comfort my beloved 
wife ; tell her not to be uneasy on my account. I am 
in excellent health, and the healthy season is now set 
in. If every thing succeeds, I expect to be in England 
in the month of May. — Yours affectionately, 

Mungo Park. 



THE END OF PARK'S TRAVELS. 



LRAc 



W. AND R. CHAMBERS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. 



